A Conspiracy Under the Terror: Marie Antoinette, Toulan, Jarjayes

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.

Usage guidelines

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.

We also ask that you:

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.

About Google Book Search

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web

at |http : //books . google . com/

y

c

l.'^tr ...... c ^ ■ ;.- iHl-iir-

Qr'XU^i<

BY THE SAME AUTHOR AND TRANSLATOR.
Crown 8vo. linen, gilt top, with a frontispiece, 6s.

LOVE AND LOVERS OF THE PAST.

' M. Gaulot's analysis of the souls and jgassZons of the eighteenth century throws a
fresh hiaze of light upon the intricate worlungs of the destiny of France and on many
historical characters and incidents we misunderstand. He makes free use of documents
and letters throughout, but mosaiced with such skill that one is beguiled into the feeling
that one is reading a novel rather than a record. ... It b one of the most interesting of
recent historical books.' — Queen.

' An extraordinary collection of interesting personal episodes.'— Daily News.

' To all students of French history this volume has a capital value, and the literary
skill and vividness which mark the portraiture ought to make it popular with the general
reader.' — Yorkshire Post.

*^The sketches are well written and interesting, and most of them have the further
merit of deiding with incidents but little known to die generality of readers. . . . Taking
it as a whole, the book is one which bears evidence of wide and patient research, and u
one which cannot fail to be enjoyed by readers who find pleasure in Meandering at times
through the tangled and half-hidden by-paths of history rather than in travelfing along
its broad and well-trodden highway.'— Glasgow Herald.

* A colle^ion of lively and entertaining historical papers which originally appeared
in the " Revue Hebdomadaire," and fully deserve republicaticm in a collected form. The
authcM' has diversified the products of his minings in the National Record Office with
characteristic Gallic vivacity, which the translator has successfully retained. . . . These
e^htcenth-century heroes and heroines have provided M. Gaulot with some excellently
{ttcturesque biographical material, both those whose names are tolerably familiar to the
ordinary reader, aiui others whom the author possibly introduces to a considerable circle
for the first time.'— St. James's Gazette.

* A collection of historical studies . . . which have been translated for the benefit of
English readers by Mr. F. Charles Laroche, who has a graceful English style, and in
whose hands they would seem to have lost little, if any, of their original brightness, even,
it may be added, of a certain native Gallic flavour. . . . M. Gaulot writes in the spirit
of the historian and with the easy touch of the writer of romance.'— Scotsman.

'The book b essentially French in tone^ and is written with a Frenctiman's brilliance ^
and bitterness. No fault can be found with the work of translation, which ha <ftr
ably .done by Mr. F. Charles Laroche. ... It contains some things not generally
known.' — Ladies' Field.

* A valuable contribution to the inner history of the French Revolution. . . . Written
with the freedom of lovers little dreaming of a prying twentieth century thumbing tH^
faded leaves, my Baronite finds in them the speciaJ charm of the immortal work of
Pepys. . . . Asmodeus-like, M. Gaulot conducts the reader over Paris under Bourbon
rule and revolutionary terror. Unroofing the houses, he shows us how people lived and
loved and died in those good old times.'— Punch.

* M. Gaulot has made curious researches to obtain the matter for these interesting
sidelights on history.'— Vanity Fair.

' The stories have undoubted interest historically.'— Shbppibld Tblbgraph.

' A series of historical studies showing what love and passion were in that charming
thoug:h terrible eighteenth century. ... An admirable— indeed, a fisucinating— bit of
work, going into details with true French audacity and elegance.'— To-day.

* There are many interesting historical facts mixed up with these chiefly sad
love stories. The work of translation has been capably carried out by Dr. Charles
Laroche.'— Liverpool Post.

' Besides being eminently readable, this volume of M. Gaulot's has a distinct historical
value.'— Globe.

London: CHATTO & WINDUS, in St. Martin's Lane, W.C.

A CONSPIRACY
UNDER THE TERROR

PRINTED BY

SPOTTISWOODK AND CO. LTD., NEW-STRKKT SQUAKE

LONDON

\^,[i.-^'^'r'^ '"'■*'''''

i

MARIE ANTOINETTE, FROM THE PORTRAIT BY PRIEUR
(Mus^e Carnavalet)

w %

4'

< ' \ M i . ;

1 »- ".CM -THL POnTKAlT BY PRIEUR
■V • *'«' Carnavplel »

1

A CONSPIRACY
UNDER THE TERROR

MARIE ANTOINETTE— TOULAN—JARJAYES

BY ^i

PAUL GAULOT "^

\
TRANSLATED BY CHARLES LAROCHE, M.A

? «r

^''.p-V

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND FACSIMILES

LONDON

CHATTO & WINDUS

PHILADELPHIA : J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY

1904 '■ % '• • ' - '•* "

YOHK

ASTOR, LENOX AND

TILDEN FOUNDATIONS

K 1932 L

PREFACE

It might have been expected that, after the 2ist of
January, the King's death would have fiilly satisfied
the revolutionary passions which the Convention had
so willingly obeyed, and that the prisoners who were
still at the Temple — the Queen, Madame Elisabeth,
and the royal children — would no longer have had to
fear for their lives. Such vain hopes, however, were
not lasting, and it soon became plain to all who were
interested in the fortunes of the Royal Family that
its members, and especially Marie Antoinette, would
soon be in danger of death. Far from being appeased
by misfortune, the hatred which had so long been
felt against Marie Antoinette, who was called
r Autrichienne (* the Austrian *), had grown more
violent and more bitter against her since the war
had become almost general, and had united PrussU,
Austria, England, Spain, Holland, and Sardinia in
their struggle against France, or rather against the
French Revolution.

ift Events were fast succeeding one another, and

00 the situation was now assuming a very gloomy aspect.

ID

X

vi A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

The Girondins, who were in power, and who com-
posed the Cabinet at the time of the execution of
Louis XVI., did not seem capable of resisting the
storm, and it was easy to foresee a time when this
party would be powerless in the struggle against the
revolutionary agitation ; for it was composed of
men relatively moderate, but wanting the energy
needful in the awful events which were then taking
place. Everything went to show that the popu-
lace would soon be triumphant.

Justly frightened at such a prospect, a few
wise and thoughtful men met together and formed
the bold but perilous plan of snatching from their
jailers the Temple prisoners — two women and two
children, for these jailers were now ready to become
their executioners.

Three different attempts were made to save the
Royal Family. Ranking first in date was the attempt
made by Toulan and the Chevalier de Jarjayes.
The second was planned by Michonis and Cortey
at the instigation of the Baron de Batz, that extra-
ordinary conspirator whose existence has remained in
many points, in spite of all investigations, mysterious
and obscure. The third, which was barely outlined,
seems to have been limited to a visit which the
Chevalier de Rougeville, introduced by Michonis,
paid to the Queen in her cell at the Conciergerie.

* A Conspiracy under the Terror ' relates the first
of those three attempts.

PREFACE vii

It may interest the reader to know how I came
to write this narrative.

One day, some fifteen years ago, I was shown
a few autograph notes from Marie Antoinette and
an autograph letter from the Comte de Provence.
They belonged and still belong to a lady ^ who re-
ceived them from a descendant by marriage of the
Chevalier de Jarjayes, to whom they were addressed.
Their authenticity, therefore, cannot be suspected.

The letter was then partly unpublished, and the
notes had never been printed. These were invalu-
able documents ; for not only have Marie Antoinette's
autographs dating from her captivity always been
few in number, but, several of them having been
destroyed, they have now become very rare.

Written on small pieces of coarse paper, yellow
with age, the characters were not in the least faded,
and reproduced with perfect clearness the unfor-
tunate Queen's well-known handwriting. One of
them is in mysterious language, and consequently
rather difficult to interpret. The others contained
allusions to various people whose names are not
mentioned, and to facts which are not defined ; they
thus call for attention and excite curiosity.

It was while trying to solve these historical
problems that the main facts in this volume came
almost of their own accord to my notice. A
very learned monograph, written by M. Lion

' A relative of the author.

viii A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Lecestre and published in the * Revue des Questions
Historiques ' for April 1886, served me as a guide ;
and thus it was that I wrote * A Conspiracy under
the Terror.'

I did not limit myself to the single narrative of
the plan of escape formed by Toulan and the Chevalier
de Jarjayes — ^Toulan is too interesting a character to
be dismissed so abruptiy ; and, as I found in a
dossier of the Revolutionary Tribunal a whole series
of documents, notes, and letters concerning him, I
followed this heroic Gascon on to" the end of his
adventurous life.

Beyond the pleasure the reader may derive from
a closer acquaintanceship with Toulan, he will be
able more closely to associate himself with the society
to which this man belonged ; whilst the life of Toulan
is a good example of the manners of the half
lower-class, half middle-class people during the revo-
lutionary tempest.

Need I say that I have endeavoured to judge
men and events impartially, and that my sole ambition
has been to approve myself a truthful historian ? , As
I said in an earlier Preface, * I have tried to form
an opinion by the aid of documents, and have not
sought for documents in order to uphold an opinion.'

PAUL GAULOT.

CONTENTS

PAGB

Preface v

PART I.

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE.
August 13, 1792— January ai, 1793.

Chapter I.

The Return to Paris after the October Days—The Royal
Family Prisoners in the Tuileries — The Flight to
Varennes — The Agony of the Monarchy — Insults to
the Royal Family — August 10 — Les Feuillants 3

Chapter II.

The Temple— The Main Tower— Feelings of the Royal
Family at the Beginning of their Captivity — Tem-
porarily Settled in the Small Tower — Life at the
Temple — The Kitchens— Municipal Officers . 13

Chapter III.

The Royalists in Paris — Unknown Attempt to DeHver the
Royal Family — January 21, 1793 — The Baron de Batz
—The Attempt of the Porte Saint-Denis ... 23

X A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR
PART II.

THE CONSPIRACY.
Chapter I.

PAGE

The Royalists are Discouraged after January 21 — ^The
Chevalier de Jarjayes — General de Bourcet — M. de
Jarjayes* Marriage — The First Ladies in Waiting to
the Queen — Importance of this Office — Missions
given to the Chevalier — ^The Comte d'Artois in Turin
— Relations between the Court and Bamave — ^Secret
Correspondence — Note in Disguised Language —
Roxane and Lucius — ^The Eve of August 10 — ^The
Stenographer's Lodge — M. de Jarjayes' Despair — He
is on the Point of leaving Paris — February 2, 1793
— The Queen's Envoy — ^Toulan 31

Chapter II.

June 30, 1789— The Caf(6 de Foy— At the Palais Royal—
The Gardes Fran^aises at the Abbaye— Popular
Agitation — The Prison Doors are Forced — ^The
Night at the Variety Theatre — ^Appeal to the Assembl6e
Constituante — Delegation of Sixteen Members to the
King — ^The King's Answer — ^The Pnsoners are set
Free — Toulan, his Origin and Marriage — He comes
to Paris — District President of the Federation of 1790
— ^A Rioter on August 10 — Member of the Society of
the loth of August Men — Member of the Commune —
He is on Guard at the Temple on September 19, 1792
— His Devotion to the Prisoners — His Revolutionary
Attitude and Language — Minor Services he Renders
— His Fears for the Queen after January 21— He
makes a Plan to Save her — The Queen's Acceptance
— Toulan's Mission to Jarjayes 45

CONTENTS xi

Chapter III.

PAGE

Conversation between Toulan and De Jarjayes — The Latter
wishes to see die Queen — Difficulties of such an
Enterprise — ^The Couple Tison — Precautions taken by
the Commune regarding them — Second Interview —
Second Note from the Queen — ^Toulan finds a Means
— The Chevalier Disguises himself—He enters the
Temple — He sees the Queen — Description of Marie
Antoinette's Room — The Chevalier's Emotion — Fears
of the Queen — ^Third Note— Jarjayes* Answer— Fourth
Note 6i

Chapter IV.

Frequent Interviews between Toulan and Jarjayes, Toulan,
and the Queen — The Prisoners refiise to be separated
— Vigilance of the Commissioners at the Temple-
Organisation of the Guards' Service — The Two
Commissioners — Necessity of finding Accomplices —
A Difficult Choice— The Queen decides 71

Chapter V.

Jacques Francois Lepitre — His Disposition — Representa-
tive of the Paris Commune — Member of the Provisional
Commune — On Duty at the Temple for the First Time
— His Secret Royalism — He Discloses his Personality
to the King and Queen— His Connection with Toulan
— He offers a Song to Louis XVII. — He is appointed
President of the Passport Committee . . . 75

Chapter VI.

Lepitre's Imagination at Work— Reflections— The Queen
insists — He must be put in the Secret at any Cost
— Money Sacrifice— Appeal to M. de la Borde —
Jarjayes refuses this New Aid — Too many Accom-
plices — Fifth Note— Jarjayes and Lepttre — Agreement
—Sixth and Seventh Letters— The Gold Box 80

xii A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Chapter VII.

PACK

Plan of Escape— Meeting at Lepttre's House— Toulan
brings his Friend Ricard — Parts are Distributed —
Precautions taken at the Temple against Indiscretions
— ^The Queen and Madame Elisabeth to Disguise,
themselves — Clothes are Brought to the Temple by
the Commissioners — Toulan's Hat — Three-coloured
Scarves — Marie Th^r^se's Disguise — ^The Lamplighter
and his Children— Difficulty to bring out Louis XVII.
— ^A New Accomplice 85

CHA.PTER VIII.

August 13 at the Temple Gate— Ruse employed by Turgy
to follow the Royal Family — Services rendered —
Secret Corresppndence — Easy Communications with
the People outside — ^The young King — He is to be
Carried off in a Basket 92

Chapter IX.

Tison and his Wife had to be Baffled in their Watch —
Spanish Tobacco — ^A Narcotic— Leaving the Temple —
The Queen and Lepttre — Madame Royale and Ricard
— ^The young King and Turgy— Madame Elisabeth
and Toulan— Rue de la Corderie — The Three Cabs
— Flight towards Havre — Amabert— Chances of
Success 98

Chapter X.

Lepttre's Tergiversations— His Fears— The Pretexts he
gives for Delaying the Execution of the Plan— No
Time to be Lost — ^The Queen Endeavours to overcome
his Faint-heartedness— March i, 1793— 'Filial Piety*—
Hair from the Queen, the Little King, and Marie
Th^r^se^* Poco ama ch 'il morir teme*— <Tutto per
loro'— Cap knitted by Madame Elisabeth— Outside
Complications 108

CONTENTS xiii

Chapter XI.

PAGB

The New Plan of Toulan and Jarjayes — The Queen alone can
Escape — She Consents to it on Madame Elisabeth's
earnest Entreaties— The young King's Sleep — She
Refuses— Letter to Jarjayes 117

PART III.
THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI.

Chapter I.

The Ring and Seal of the King — Proch-verhal of the Com-
mune — Sequestration of Cl^ry — Audacious Abduction
accomplished by Toulan 125

Chapter II.

The Queen sends the Articles to Jarjayes through Toulan —
Letter sent with Them— The Chevalier's JDouble Mis-
sion — At Brussels — ^A Friend of the Queen, le Comte
Jean Axel de Fersen — His Journey to Paris in February
1792 — At Hamm — The King's Brother — Old Souvenirs
— Prejudice and Fears — ^The Emperor Francis II. — The
Queen's Debts — Septeuil, Ex-Treasurer of the Civil
List — Letters from Marie Antoinette, Madame Elisa-
beth, and the Royal Children to le Comte de Pro-
vence and le Comte d'Artois— Last Letter from Marie
Antoinette to M. de Jarjayes — * Good-bye' . 131

Chapter III.

M. de Jarjayes' Departure — M. de Joly— Madame de Jar-
jayes remains in Paris — Dangers which she runs —
M. de Jarjayes at Turin — The Court of Sardinia— The
Emigrants' Talk about the Chevalier — Le Comte de
Provence's Message— Surprise of this Prince — Letter of
Thanks — The Queen is not informed of the Success of
the Mission — Madame Royale's Narrative — Cl^ry at
Blankenberg 145

XIV A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR
PART IV.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY.
Chapter I.

PACB

Suspicions — Arthur's First Denunciation — Lepitre's and
Toulan's Justification — They are removed from Duty
at the Temple — The Tisons give Information — Search
at the Prisoners' — Toulan's Hat— Madness of the
Woman Tison 157

Chapter IL

Toulan in the Precincts of the Temple— Signals agreed upon
— Correspondence through Turgys Intervention — Note
from Madame Elisabeth — * Produse' — Political Agitation
— The Committee of Twelve — Opposition of the Com-
mune — Petition against the Girondins — Lepitre refuses
to Sign — Toulan signs — Insurrection on May 31 and
June 2 — Toulan goes into the Suburbs — Attempt by the
Baron de Batz unknown to Toulan 165

Chapter III.

Prophecies — 'Mirabilis Liber' — Louis XVII. parted from
his Mother — Toulan informed of Everything through
Letters from Madame Elisabeth — Official Attempt at
Release — Maret and Semonville — Austria's Policy —
M. de Thugut — ^Arrest of Plenipotentiaries — Popular
Exasperation — Reverses in La Vendue — Mayence and
Valenciennes surrender — Scarcity of Food — The Com
mittee of Public Safety is renewed— Marie Antoi-
nette, sent before the Revolutionary Tribunal, is taken
to the Conciergerie — Toulan and Michonis — ^The
Chevalier de Rougeville — Re-election of the Commune
Council — Neither Toulan nor Lepttre is re-elected 173

CONTENTS XV

Chapter IV.

PAGB

Toulan arrested on October 7 — His Self-control — He
escapes— October 8 — Lepitre's Arrest— Sainte-P^lajie
—The Queen's Trial, October 14-16— Lepttre as a Wit-
ness — His Evidence — ^Arrest of Madame de Jarjayes
—Sentence and Execution of Marie Antoinette,
October 16 .184

Chapter V.

Toulan Leaves Paris on October 7 — Neuilly-sur-Mame —
Antedated Passport — He returns to Paris — Signals —
His Imprudence — Madame Elisabeth's Recommenda-
tion — Interview with Turgy — Toulan' s Last Letter —
Last Answer, which does not reach him — Flight from
Paris — Corbeil — The Auxerre Coach — La Charity —
Toulouse 195

Chapter VI.

The Rumour of the Accusation has preceded Toulan at
Toulouse — Danger of Staying longer in that Town —
He thinks of Fleeing— Falsified Passport— Departure
from Toulouse on October 26— Arrival in Bordeaux —
The Miserable House on the Quay at Royan— Public
Writer — The Romance of * Rosalie ' . .201

Chapter VII.

Toulan settled in Bordeaux— He tries to Start in Business—
His Correspondence with his Wife and Cousin— Ricard
— Ricardin — Guy ... 218

xvi A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Chapter VIII.

PACK

Germaine Toulan in Bordeaux— News from Paris — Trial of
Toulan's Accomplices (November 1793) — ^They are
Acquitted — Toulan resumes his own Name— Card of
Citizenship — He is arrested on 5th of Germinal, Year II.
(March 25, 1794)— His Examination— He is denounced
to Isabeau — ^The Latter pays no Heed— Toulan in
Prison 249

Chapter IX.

Increase of the Terror— The Guillotine is taken to the Place
du Trdne Renvers^— Toulan in Paris— The Revolu-
tionary Tribunal— Judges and Jurymen— The Indict-
ment — His Companions — Verdict — Sentence of Death
— Execution 278

Chapter X.
Conclusion , . 287

ILLUSTRATIONS

Marie Antoinette Frontispiece

Frotm tht ^ture by Prieur in the Musie CammpaUi

The Temple in 1792 .... To face p, 13

Facsimile of Letter found among
Jarjayes' Papers „ 36

Facsimile of Letter from Marie
Antoinette „ 70

Facsimile of Letter from Marie
Antoinette ,,132

Facsimile of Letter from the Comte
de Provence „ 15a

Part I

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE
August 13, 1792 — January 21, 1793

CHAPTER I

The Return to Paris after the October Days— The Royal Family
Prisoners in the Tuileries — ^The Flight to Varennes — The
Agony of the Monarchy — Insults to the Royal Family —
August lo — The Feuillants.

When Louis XVL, yielding to the demands of the
rioters, came back to Paris with his family, after
the October days of 1789, it was in reality the
beginning of a captivity which was to end in the
death of all of them except his daughter, Marie
Thirise.

If the King had any delusion when he left Ver-
sailles in order to satisfy the wishes of the Parisians,
who had expressed them in so strange a manner, he
was not long deceived. The Tuileries were nothing
more than a kind of prison for their Majesties, with
the National Guards, under the command of La
Fayette, for gaolers ; and the honours rendered to
the royal persons ill disguised the close watch to
which they were submitted.

The King made one attempt, if not to recover
his authority, at least to evade this humiliating con-
trol ; however this plan, badly prepared and quite
as badly executed, foiled, on June 21, 1791.

B2

4 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Arrested at Varennes, the fugitives were brought
back to Paris, and the only result of their futile
attempt was to aggravate and render their position
more awkward.

From that time the struggle between the people
and the monarchy, which until then had preserved
some appearance of respect, became bitter, violent,
and unrelenting. Agitated, defiant, spiteful, Paris
was in want of a victim ; it had got hold of one
and meant to keep it.

Louis XVI. was beaten beforehand. Of all the
sovereigns the branch of the Bourbons has given to
France he certainly was the least fit either to under-
stand the aspirations of his time or to aid them
in so far as they were right, or even to fight them
when they might create danger or be fatal. He had a
kind heart, but his intellect was very poor ; and his
education, as well as a natural tendency, had left in
his disposition a sort of bashfulness and want of
self-confidence which completely paralysed him. He
was afraid of giving orders, and feared more than
anything having to speak to an assembly. Besides,
nature had not favoured him. True, his features
did not lack nobleness, but he looked sad, his gait
was heavy without dignity, he took no care of his
appearance ; however skilled his hairdresser may
have been, his hair was soon untidy from the
absence of attention to his dress. His voice, though
not harsh, had an unpleasant ring in it ; and if he

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE 5

got excited, it would pass suddenly to a shrill tone.^
In a word, nothing in his physique answered the
conception that people might still form of royal
majesty.

The Queen, on the contrary, seemed to be gifted
with every good quality in which the King was lack-
ing. Legend, which has appropriated the whole of
that period, has made a splendid portrait of her ;
and dthough history is more sedate, it does not alto-
gether contradict legend on this point. This is the
description it has given us through the pen of a
contemporary who was in a situation to know, a d
who could afford to speak the truth. This was
Senac de Meilhan.

* Marie Antoinette of Austria,' he wrpte, * was
striking rather than beautiful. None of her features
taken apart were particularly good, but their en-
semble was extremely pleasing. The word charms,
which is so often used, was the real one to describe
her graceful face. There was not a woman who
could hold her head as she did ; it was poised on
her shoulders so as to give grace and dignity to
every one of its movements. Her gait was at once
light and proud, and reminded one of Virgil's
saying, " Incessu patuit Dea." What struck one most
in her was this mixture of gracefulness and imposing
dignity. She was by no means clever, and did not
pretend to be ; yet she had something about her,

^ Mimoires de Madame Campan^ vol. L p. 123, vol. il p. 23a.

6 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

a kind of inspiration, which always prompted her to
say the right thing at the right time and in the
most appropriate words. Then, it was her heart
rather than her mind which dictated her speeches
and her answers. . . /

And to this portrait Senac de Meilhan adds the
following judicious remarks : * Entirely her own
mistress at the age of twenty, a foreigner, hand-
some, amiable, all-powerful over the heart and mind
of a king who was as young as herself, surrounded
by seduction, she acted many a time unwisely, and
was applauded for actions which later on were to be
imputed to her as crimes. Being the object of public
enthusiasm, she was not warned of her faults nor
of her unwise conduct. . . .' ^

Later on she paid dearly for her imprudence.
When the Revolution broke out the people, who
always go from one extreme to the other, hated her
just as passionately as they had loved her. She
was in their eyes the evil genius of monarchy, the
origin and the cause of public misfortunes.

Was it possible for her to swim against the tide ?
Certainly not, for it was beyond human strength.
Having realised the situation, she was equal to
circumstances when danger appeared ; but her
efforts were paralysed by her unpopularity. She
was obliged to bear with apparent resignation,
although she revolted at it inwardly, the humiliating
» Portraits et Carac^res^ p. 74.

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE 7

lot which was in store for the kst representatives
of monarchy, thanks to her husband's weakness.

It is easy to imagine what the months which
followed the return to Paris before the final fall
must have been for her. This period, which ex-
tends from June 26, 1791, to August 10, 1792, was
perhaps not the most bloody, but certainly the most
troubled, we might say the most painful period.

It was constant uncertainty and confusion ;
every day witnessed a change in the unsettled mind
of the Sovereign, who took the most opposite
resolutions.

Sometimes he seemed to take a step in favour
of the Revolution, and then staunch Royalists would
blame him openly for his weakness ; at another
moment, through an abrupt change, he relied en-
tirely on his supporters, and the constitutional party
charged him with duplicity. Below these parties
the crowd, which was undergoing the hardships
of a severe winter, hunger, slack work, believed
all the accusations and called out, * Treason ! ' To
crown all misfortunes, emigration deprived the
King of his natural defenders, and achieved the
ruin of the Throne more surely by compromising
monarchy abroad.

During this time the Queen, who was sur-
rounded by enemies and obliged to suspect every-
one around her, dared hot write openly to those
whom she knew to be stiU her friends. She hardly

8 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

dared run the risk of entrusting a faithful servant
with an unsigned note, in which names were dis-
guised and in which she dissembled her thoughts
under conventional and figured language.

Just like any other human mind, hers was divided
between alternatives of fear and hope. She was afraid
for her children ; she feared for royalty, if not for
the King, that they would have to endure the worst
humiliations. She anticipated for herself a frightful
fate. Nevertheless, she struggled on.

It was impossible for her to commend the faithful
battalions or to put on the popular uniform of the
National Guards, which the King himself dared not
put on, because he was afraid of breaking the con-
stitution ;^ she could not speak before the Assembly,
nor make a royal speech, for she was a woman and
not even a regent. However she made use of
circuitous means ; she tried to flatter, to win over
those fierce republicans, whose very name made
her motherly heart tremble.

She had already made Barnave's conquest on his
return from Varennes, and she kept up a r^ular
correspondence with him. She induced Guadet,
the stern Girondin, to come one night to the
Tuileries and talk with the King ; and she would
not let him go before he had been brought to her
son's cradle and had kissed the royal child on the
forehead. She had even stooped lower for help,
^ Memoirs ofM.de Vaublanc^ p. 174.

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE 9

and had used seductive methods which were not
quite so dignified.

Bribery was tried whenever it had a chance of
being successful, and Danton, who was as mercenary
as Mirabeau, sold himself for one hundred thousand
crowns.

But Barnave, Guadet, or Danton could not stop
the revolutionary movement any more than Mira-
beau could. Barnave had tried to do so, but
without conviction, and he at least fell honourably.
Guadet and the Girondins were powerless. Danton
did not even trouble himself about earning his
money.^

The Queen could hardly enjoy a few hours'
sleep during the long months of agony for the
monarchy. She used to be awakened at dawn, and
would not allow the blinds to be pulled down or
the shutters to be closed, for she could not bear
darkness. It was then, during the short intervals
when everything was calm in the city, that she enter-
tained illusions, and at times dreamed of a near
deliverance. One night as the moon was shining
brightly, lighting up her room, she contemplated
it, and then, making a confidant of the female
guardian who was near her, said, * In one month I

^ I shall give elsewhere the documents upon which such an
opinion of Danton is based. In the meantime, I beg the reader
will kindly refer for this matter to vol. x. of the Histoire de la
RhfoluHan Frangcdse^ by Louis Blanc, p^ 409 and following.

lo A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

shall not look at this moon without being rid from
my chains, without the King being free.^

On July 3, a fortnight after the Tuileries
were invaded for the first time, she was still writing
to her best friend, the Count of Fersen, 'Our
situation is horrible, but do not be over-anxious ;
I feel I have courage, and something tells me that
we shall soon be happy and out of danger. This
thought sustains me. . . .' *

Last and fleeting hours when mad expectations
surge up before they vanish for ever !

As time goes on the popular tide advances full
of anger and hatred. Everywhere one hears the
Royal Family insulted ; in fact, insult is on every
lip and in every eye. The little Dauphin dare no
longer go and play in his small garden at the
Tuileries ; the Queen dare not look out of the
palace windows. The crowd is eager to show scorn
for those whom it has loved and respected for so
long ; it is for ever present, spying out every
opportunity ; and for want of anything better this
crowd, with its natural coarseness, enjoys soiling the
King's palace with filth.

No refuge now remains unviolated. Revolution,
being triumphant, seems to hunt royalty even to the
foot of the altar. The singers of die Chapel Royal,
who have embraced the new principles, make a

^ Mifn&ires de Madame Campan, vol. ii. p. 227.

^ The Count of Fersen and the French Courty voL ii. p. 31 7*

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE ii

point of raising their voices whenever they come
to a passage which can be turned into a wicked
allusion. They shout, as a heavenly curse, the
sacred words : * Deposuit potentes de sede ' (^ He
has put down the mighty from their seats * )}

The situation was so horrible that the Queen
had come to wish for the end of the crisis, what-
ever the issue might be. Trusting in some vague
words spoken by Danton, she imagined that if the
Royal Family were insulted in a more obvious and
perceptible way it would awaken the love of the
French people for a secular monarchy ; at least she
fancied that they could be saved only through cir-
cuitous means, and she began to wish they might
be imprisoned in a tower by the sea-side.*

Owing to an irony of fate her wish seemed as
if it were to be granted her, and at last the cata-
strophe, so long expected, was at hand. August lo
put an end to constitutional monarchy, which had
sprung from a double weakness — that of the
Royalists, who wanted to maintain the old order of
things, and that of the Revolutionists, who wished to
establish at once a form of government in keeping
with their theories. The situation was made clearer :
the King and Royal Family were henceforth nothing
more than prisoners, whose lot depended on their
rebellious subjects' wishes.

^ Mhnoires de Madame Campctn, voL ii. p. 238.
« IHd, voL ii. p. 237.

12 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

After having left the Tuileries in the morning
Louis XVI., his family, and a few friends spent the
whole day in the stenographer's lodge. The fol-
lowing day they were sent for a time to the
Feuillants', next to the building where the Assembly
met, until the Luxlembourg should be ready to
receive them, as that palace had been fixed upon by
the Assembly for the King's residence.

But the Assembl^e Legislative had not reckoned
on the Paris Commune. As a prelude to the
tyranny which it was to exercise for more than a
year and a half with extraordinary cruelty the
Commune tore up the decree of the Assembly, took
possession of the royal prisoners, and as early as
August 13 shut them up in the Temple Tower,
where they remained under the keeping of com-
missaries and National Guards.

THE TEMPLE IN 1792
(Musee Carnavalet)

FUBii^

A6 /'''-"

r • y* ■'

. I

13

CHAPTER II

The Temple — The Main Tower— Feelings of the Royal Family
at the Beginning of their Captivity — Temporarily Settled in
the Small Tower— Life at the Temple— The Kitchens—
Mmiicipa) Officers.

The Temple, which was pulled down in 1811, was
not a single building, but ah assemblage of buildings
enclosed within a large wall ; the grounds measured
from 1 20 to 1 30 hectares.^

It was named after the Templars, who had been
the first owners.

In 1792 this space was surrounded by walls and
separated from the rest of the town, forming thus a
kind of city inside Paris. Several noblemen had
taken up their abode at the Temple, whence could be
seen the Hdtd de Boisboudran, the H6tel de Guise,
the H6tel Boufflers, with its pretty garden laid out
in English style, an h6tel which was used by the
Prince de Conti as his private strong-box ; lastly, the
Grand Priory, built towards the year 1667 by Jacques
de Souvri, in the part adjoining the Rue du Temple.
It became afterwards the usual residence of the
Comte d'Artois when he was in Paris.

Besides the abovementioned houses the Temple
* One hectare is equal to 2 acres i rod 35 perches.

14 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

enclosure contained an old monument known under
the name of Caesar's Tower, a church, a cemetery,
several fountains, large stables, extensive kitchens,
even a butcher's shop.

The garden of the Grand Priory was a large
one, and the large Temple tower was built on one side
of it. It had been raised by a treasurer of the
Order, Father Hubert, who died in 12 12.

The following is a full description of it, such as
was given us by a writer who lived at the time when
it was pulled down.

* This large building was composed of a square
tower flanked with four small round ones. Besides,
on the northern ^ide was a massive building lower
than the rest and finished by two turrets much
smaller than those of the main building. The
height of the square tower was at least 150 feet,
without the slanting roof, which I presume, perhaps
wrongly, was added at a later period. At the
bottom of the roof, and inside the batdements all
round the tower, was a gallery from which there
must have been an extensive view. The building
was four stories high ; each floor contained a room
thirty feet square, and three other smaller rooms,
one in each of the round towers ; the fourth one
was occupied by a beautiful staircase, leading to the
various apartments, both in the main and in the
small buildings. In the middle of each large room
was a pillar from which darted curvilineal arches;

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE 15

this was repeated on each floor. The walls of the
main tower were nine feet thick, and the whole of
the building was of freestone of medium size.
Formerly there were several underground passages,
one of which in particular led, it was said, to the
Bastille, and thence to Vincennes ; but they have
been destroyed long ago and filled up by the various
houses which were built on the ground covering
those passages.' ^

The Royal Family entered this building, which
the Paris Commune had decided should be its
prison, on August 13, 1792.

The Temple was not for all of them an
unknown abode. In brighter days the Queen had
often come there. During the severe winter of
1776 she drove there in a sledge, and the Comte
d'Artois, her brother-in-law, asked her to lunch. She
also used to go to the Temple when coming out of
Notre Dame de Paris, when she went to offer
thanks after the birth of her children.^

What must have been Marie Antoinette's re-
flections when she compared her former visits with
this unexpected one, especially if, as the poet says,
there be no grief so bitter as a bright recollection in
days of trial ? We must not, however, e^taggerate
her troubles, for we cannot forget that the future

* Recherches Histariques sur le Temple^ by J. J. Barillet, pp.
87, 88.

2 Ibid, p. 82.

1 6 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

was as much unknown to the victims as it was to
the tormentors.

It is certainly difficult, if not impossible, in our
time to understand what happened then, if we
separate the incidents of the period from events
which followed them, by neglecting to consider their
consequences. We look at all the facts of that
dreadftil period through the recollections of the
dead and with the constant thought of the bloody
denouement. That is why the real significance of the
events of that period is obscured by the haunting
remembrance, and in very many instances our under-
standing is completely at fault.

Thus, it is a general belief that Louis XVI. and
his family entered the Temple with the darkest
presentiments, and as victims who had no doubts as
to their future lot.

Yet such an opinion is contrary to the truth ;
for, in spite of the sadness of their situation, when
the prisoners compared their actual position with
that of days gone by, not only during the whole of
the preceding year, but merely with the two famous
days of June 20 and August 10, when they were
actually threatened with death, the first days spent at
the Temple were for them days of relative calm and
rest.

No longer could they hear the cries of death, the
sound of guns, the groans of the dying, or the
howling of the victorious crowd. Besides, if they

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE 17

were captives their captivity at least shielded them
against the hatred of passions. They found them-
selves in greater security at the Temple than at the
Tuileries. And the September massacres confirmed
rather than contradicted such an opinion, in spite of
their sinister horror.

Both the King and the Queen, who were deceived,
or rather kept in ignorance of the real state of
popular feeling, considered the future without any
real dread. What had they to fear ? His Majesty
might be considered as being responsible, but
according to the constitution the only penalty that
could be inflicted was dethronement. He might,
further, be banished. Well. They had nothing
worse to expect. As they had not been murdered,
neither on June 20 nor. on August 10, they had
given up dreading such a fate.

Cl^ry, who ought to know, wrote in very plain
words, ' I was far from entertaining any fears for
the King's life. The Queen was of the same
opinion, and her husband was entirely guided by
her.'^

This conviction entertained by Marie Antoinette
explains many things. Could we otherwise under-
stand that the Queen played the clavecitiy as she
often did, not only to teach her daughter, but for
her personal pleasure ? She played the very day
before Louis XVL appeared at the bar of the
^ M^maires deM.de CUry^ p. 24.

C

1 8 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Convention Nationale on December lo ; and, from
what CUry says, the airs she sang were anything
but sad.^

As to the manner in which the Royal Family
were treated, we cannot accept entirely and without
reserve the assertions of certain authors. In their
generous indignation they have made the darkest
statements ; they mixed up two different periods,
one from August 13 to December 11, 1792, and
the other which begins at this latter date, with the
King's trial, and treated them with equal reproba-
tion — thus causing a confusion contrary to historical
truth.

During the first period, and in spite of the diffi-
culties resulting from a hasty installation, the Com-
mune treated the prisoners with regard. Thus
* the royal table was served in very good style ;
there was a good attendance of servants in the
kitchens and pantry. Most of them were old
servants who had requested as an honour to be
appointed to this post.' *

We give here the list of those servants, with
their names and salaries : —

Livres a year

Gagni^, chef 4,000'

Remy, chief butler 3,000

^ M/moires deM.de Cliry^ p. 83.

^ Quelques Souvenirs^ by M. Lepttre, p. 26.

' Louis XVI I^ by A. de Beauchesne, vol, i. p. 332, footnote.

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE 19

livresayear

Micon, second butler 2,400

Nivet, pastry cook 2,400

Meunier, roast cook 2,400

Mauduit, pantry man and butler . . . 2,400

Penaut, kitchen boy i>5oo

Marchand, valet iiSoo

Tuigy, valet 1,500

Chretien, valet 1,500

Guillot, pantry servant 1,500

Adrien, scullery servant .... 1,200
Fontaine, kitchen porter • . • . 600

* The same etiquette and form as at Court were
used for Louis's table at the Temple/ so says
Verdier in a report. The purveyors' bills amounted
for the first twenty-five days to 11,237 francs, but
the commissariat reduced this sum to 10,400 livres.
For the last twenty-three days of September ex-
penses amounted to 8,102 francs, for October to
8,245 francs, and for November to 8,435 francs.

It is evident that at that time the Commune paid
largely for the prisoners' table, and meals were
abundant ; no fewer than twenty dishes ^ were served
at a meal, and each carefully prepared.

The cooking was even so good that the muni-
cipal officers on duty, who at first had their meals
brought from some neighbouring restaurant, de-
manded that they should be served by the proficient
servants of his Majesty, and their requeswas granted*

^ Htstoir^^ parlementaire de la RivoluHon franqcdsCy by
Buchez and Roux, vol. xxi. p. 307.

C2

20 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

For the service in^de the Temple, besides
Q6ry, specially attadied to the King's service, and
Franfois Hue, the household was composed of
Tison and his wife, who received respectively 6,000
and 3,000 francs. Thcjr were attached to the Queen's,
Madame Elisabeth's, and Marie Hiiro's service.
Madame Rockenstroh, in chai^ of the linen ; her
son, derk to the steward ; Danjout, ludrdresser ;
Angot, woodcutter ; several wood carriers, a
sweeper, Mathejr, Tower doorkeeper ; and several
turnkeys and key-bearers.

When the Royal Family arrived at the Temple,
they had nothing with them ; their everyday clothes
had been left under seal at the Tuileries. But the
commissariat did not object to dothes, linen, and
other necessaries being bought. For this purpose
a sum of 31,000 livres was spent between August 13
and the end of November.

These figures, which are official, are so different
from what the legend would have us believe, that
it is both interesting and useful to give them.

The Commune, which had from the beginning
taken possession of the Royal Family, had under-
taken the watch at the Temple, and its members,
transformed into guardians, came in turn to fill this
post near the prisoners.

Most of the Commune's members were common
men who had made themselves conspicuous by their
hatred of royalty and their staunch revolutionary

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE 21

principles. But many of them, though fierce in
speech, were human ; some sympathised with the
royal prisoners, some even were so devoted as to
give their life. History has kept for us the names
of those heroic guardians * who had received from the
Revolution the mandate to be deaf, blind, and mute
under penalty of death and who defied death as soon
as they became familiar with the royal misfortune.* ^

Unfortunately, and thanks to an inevitable con-
trast, others were nothing more than ignorant, de-
praved, and coarse brutes ; and along with the
names of Leboeuf, Moelle, the grocer Dang6, Jobert,
master mason, the architect Beugnot, the professor
Lepltre, and the chemist Follope we have to recall
some which are truly despicable.

First among these was a man called Mercereau,
a stonecutter, who made a rule of coming to the
Temple in the dirtiest dress, and who would loll on
the brocaded sofa where the Queen used to sit ;
another, Pierre Bernard, a former priest, whose
language was most oflTensive. Jacques Roux, who,
like Bernard, was a renegade, took particular pleasure
in troubling the prisoners* sleep by singing all night
at the pitch of his voice. There was still a man —
Lichenard, a tailor — who was always disgracefully
drunk, and who vomited in the room adjoining the
Queen*s.*

^ Marie-Antoinette^ by £d. and J. de Goncourt, pp. 408, 409.
' Q^elques Souvenirs^ pp. 22, 27, and 3a

22 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Such humiliating vexations shocked the captives
without taking anything from their ever-cherished
hopes. As soon as the offenders had departed the
Royal Family forgot their sufferings. The King was
a ready talker, and, provided his guardians be a little
polite, he willingly addressed them. He took an
interest in many little things with the thoughdessness
of a mind free of cares. Marie Antoinette herself
showed a certain amount of cheerfulness. She
would sometimes nickname the guardians ; and she
funnily called one of them * the Pagoda,' because he
was very sullen and silent, and never answered other-
wise than by a nod.^

Besides, Louis XVI.'s usual resignation made
him accept his misfortunes as trials sent to sanctify
his soul, which was the soul of a Christian rather
than of a king. The Queen, whose mind was
noble and strong, knew how to keep in those painful
hours that calm and haughty serenity which she
was to preserve even in the presence of death.

^ Quelques Souvenirs^ p. 21.

23

CHAPTER III

The Royalists in Paris — Unknown Attempt to Deliver the Royal
Family — January 21, 1793 — The Baron de Batz — The
Attempt of the Porte Saint-Denis.

The Comte d'Artois had left France in 1789, as
soon as the revolutionary agitation began. The
King's aunts, Mesdames AdilaYde and Victoire, had
exiled themselves in February 1791 ; the Comte de
Provence had left Paris on the same day as Louis
XVI. — June 20, 1 79 1 — but, more fortunate than
the King, he had safely reached Brussels,

Encouraged by and making a pretext of such
examples, thinking also that they would be more
useful to their sovereign beyond the frontiers than
in France, many Royalists had left the country. But
they fortunately had not all acted the same, and a
few faithful men, braver and more active than the
others, were watching over the last representatives of
the old monarchy.

But, dispersed in Paris, hiding their secret
opinion, mistrusting all men and all things, they
were unable to assemble and combine their efforts ;
consequently they Were powerless to succour and
deliver the King. Yet, being constantly on the

24 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

watch, and ready to take advantage of any favourable
opportunity, they came as near to him as possible.
All the houses in the neighbourhood of the Temple
were soon occupied by those unfortunate people,
who took a delight in catching a glance of the august
prisoners or looking at the walls behind which they
were detained. At times they would be bold enough
to sing well known airs, and in the silence of the
night the Queen could hear * Pauvre Jacques ' sung
close to her prison by friendly voices.^

Whether those Royalists did attempt during that
period to deliver the Royal Family is not known, as
there are no documents left testifying to it. The
only reference to any attempt is to be found in a
short note at the foot of a page in * Quelques Sou-
venirs,' written by Lepltre, a municipal official :
* Toulan*s wife told me that a first one (attempt) had
been made to save the King ; but the opposition
of an honest yet timid municipal had prevented it
from being carried out ' (p. 73).

As a rule, and as this narrative will prove further
on, Lepltre's assertion and the references he points
out as the source of his information are worthy of
serious attention. It is, therefore, neither impossible
nor unlikely that a first con^iracy may have existed,
although nothing up to this day has corroborated the
saying of * Toulan's wife.*

What is certain, however, is that if that plot
^ MarU-Antoinette^ p. 394.

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE 25

really existed it came to nothing, even before any
active steps were taken to put it into execution.
C16ry does not mention it in his * Mimoires,* and
yet he did not leave his master until January 21.
It cannot have been more than spoken of.

Besides, at that time not only was such an enter-
prise very hazardous, but the idea of a flight must
have become very repugnant to the King. He had
in various circumstances opposed a formal refusal to
such propositions, though they were made by bold
and faithful servants. The Varennes experience
had taught him that a second failure would make
his situation far worse, and he was aware that there
were many chances against success in renewed
flight. Why, therefore, should he run the risk of
such an adventure, which at any rate could only be
justified in a desperate case ? And he was far from
thinking that his situation was a desperate one.

Such a frame of mind had nothing extraordinary
in it when one remembers the strange blindness of
the Queen, who, even in the first weeks of January
1793, when sentence was virtually passed on his
Majesty, yet refused to believe *that either the
French people or the foreign sovereigns could witness
so cruel an action without trying to prevent it.* ^
Events were to be in strange contradiction with
Marie Antoinette's blind confidence, for the National
Convention passed sentence of death on Louis XVL
on January 17.

^ QM^lgues Souvenirs^ by Lepitre, p. 29.

26 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

His execution was fixed for January 21.
The greatest precautions had been taken, so that
nothing should hinder the people's justice from
having its course. The whole of the troops were
in readiness. From the prison to the scaffold — that
is, from the Temple to the Place de la Revolution
— the procession passed on, protected by battalions
whose faithfulness could not be suspected. It
seemed utter folly, even madness, to attempt to
rescue Louis XVI. from death at such a moment ;
and yet one man thought of it ; he put or
tried to put his foolish plan into execution. This
man was the Baron de Batz.

The Baron was a mysterious man for his con-
temporaries, and who from many points of view
has remained an enigma for the historian. He is
certainly one of the most uncommon figures of that
time, which offered numerous surprises. We shall
meet him again later on, in another attempt to save
the Queen, and we shall then go deeper into his
character and the part he played. But we shall give
now only a very short account of the sudden attack
he made on January 2 1 .

As soon as the sentence had been passed he had,
with the help of Devaux, his secretary, formed with
three or four hundred young men a plan for the
deliverance of his Majesty. They were to be
armed and assemble near the Porte Saint-Denis.
There they should mix with the crowd and be ready

THE STAY AT THE TEMPLE 27

to move at the first signal. Their pkn was to
attack the convoy by main force, and take advantage
of the surprise and commotion caused by this un-
expected attack in order to carry off Louis XVL
Everything being arranged the conspirators parted,
promising to be punctually at the rendezvous.

Faithful to his word, the Baron de Batz is at
his post at the appointed hour ; but he looks in vain
for his companions. The side streets are empty ;
and yet it was from them that the attack was to
be made. He is distressed at being abandoned.
Must he give up his plan and draw back before the
revolutionary forces ? Standing on the height of
the Boulevard Bonne-Nouvelle, he sees the carriage
which leads Louis XVI. to death ; it advances,
reaches the Porte Saint-Denis. Just then Batz
thinks he can see some of his friends ; true they
are not in great numbers. But this is enough for
him ; he feels his hopes revive ; he will make the
attempt. Two young men come out of the crowd
and stand beside him. Time is pressing. Followed
by Devaux and the two brave young men, he makes
a dash towards the cortege which allows them to
pass. They cross the line, draw their swords, and
brandishing them call all four together repeatedly —

* Help, Frenchmen ! help, all those who want to
save their King ! '

Their cries brought no echo ; no one in the
crowd answered, and a dead silence prevailed

28 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

everywhere. The small party, perceiving no move-
ment, and seeing that they were abandoned, turned
round, crossing again the living fence composed of
men and of National Guards who stood mute with
fear, and endeavoured to disappear. Just then a re-
serve corps, who had been warned by a sentry, made
a rush for M. de Batz and his brave followers.
The two young men attempted to enter a house,
but they were caught and massacred with sabres.
Whilst this was going on M, de Batz and Devaux
had vanished, escaping thus the fury of their
pursuers. . . }

^ Mitnoires Historiques sur Louis XVII^ by Eckard, pp. 125, 126.

Part II
THE CONSPIRACY

31

CHAPTER I

The Royalists are Discouraged after January 21 — The Chevalier
de Jarjayes — General de Bourcet — M. de Jarjayes's Marriage
—The First Ladies in Waiting to the Queen — Importance of
this Office — Missions given to the Chevalier — The Comte
d'Artois in Turin — Relations between the Court and Bamave —
Secret Correspondence — Note in Disguised Language —
Roxane and Lucius — The Eve of August 10 — The Steno-
grapher's Lodge — M. de Jarjayes's Despair— He is on the
Point of leaving Paris — February 2, 1793 — The Queen's
Envoy — ^Toulan.

It is evident that if the Convention meant to perform
a political action rather than an act of justice when it
beheaded the King it was entirely successful. From
that day terror reigned in Paris, and the Royalists
were discouraged and felt they were powerless.

But among those faithful Royalists none felt the
blow as cruelly as the Chevalier de Jarjayes, who till
now has not been known as well as he deserves
to be.

As he was called to play a most important part
in the following narrative it is right that his past and
his position should be known before going further.

Frangois Augustin Reiner Pdisson de Jarjayes
was born at Grenoble on October 24, 1745. He

32 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

entered the army, and found there, from the first,
an excellent patron. General de Bourcet, his uncle.

Among the list of persons recommended to
Louis XVL, his father, the Dauphin had placed the
name of M. de Bourcet ' as a man whose knowledge
could be trusted.* In 1769 Jarjayes became aide de
camp to his uncle, with whom he remained ten
years, until 1779, when he entered the staff of the
army with the rank of colonel.

About this time an event took place which was
of vital interest to him. His marriage, which brought
him in close connection with their Majesties, allowed
him to penetrate into their intimacy, to gain their
confidence, and, later on, to acquire a right to their
gratitude.

He married one of the first twelve ladies in
waiting on the Queen — ^Louise Marguerite Emilie
Quetpie de Laborde.

Everyone knows how important and how remune-
rative was this office. It implied a careful super-
vision of all the bedroom service, the receiving of
the Queen's orders for her rising, dressing, going
out, and travelling. In addition to this the first
ladies in waiting had charge of the Queen's private
purse, the payment of pensions and gratifications.
They were also entrusted with the diamonds. Their
salary did not, it is true, exceed twelve thousand
livres a year, but the whole of the bedroom, private
rooms, and gambling room candles were their daily

THE CONSPIRACY 33

perquisite, and this raised their respective salaries
to fifty thousand francs a year.^

Both the King and the Queen had many oppor-
tunities to see the Chevalier de Jarjayes, and it was
not long before they esteemed him. He was
straightforward and clever, thoroughly reliable, and
his devotion was a tried one. Jarjayes knew how
to be sincere, and yet never be deficient in respect.
He was not afraid to speak the truth, and on various
occasions he gave wise advice. He did not emigrate ;
on the contrary, having remained one of the last
devoted servants of the sovereigns, he was entrusted
with several extremely delicate missions.

In 1 79 1 Louis XVI. had appointed him field
marshal and sub-director of the War Dep6t. Soon
after he put him into a situation where he could serve
his Majesty still better.

In March 1791 the Comte Alphonse deDurfort
had been entrusted by the King and the Queen with
a secret mission to the Comte d'Artois and the
German Emperor .^ M. A. F. de Bertrand-Moleville
has given lengthy particulars of this mission in his
* M^moires Particuliers sur le Rfegne de Louis XVL' ^

The King, who was always wavering, soon gave
up this plan in order to adopt the one proposed by

^ Mhnoires de Madame Campan^ vol. i. p. 291.
' The head of the Austrian House lost his title of Gennan
Emperor only after Austerlitz, by the treaty of Presbouig, 1806.
' Vol. ii. chap. xx3cv. p. 308 and following.

D

34 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

M. de Breteuil, which consisted in leaving Paris,
in order to seek refuge in a fortified place on the
frontier. The result of this is known. After the
return from Varennes it was no longer possible to
carry out the plan formed by the Comte d'Artois and
the Austrian Court without the Royal Family incur-
ring great and useless risk. The King then sent
Jarjayes to his brother in Turin, in order to induce
him to give up the idea of entering France through
Lyons. Jarjayes was successful, but not without
difficulties.

On his return to Paris Jarjayes became the link
between the Queen and Barnave. She it was who
gave him the order to see this Deputy and his col-
leagues Durport and Alexandre Lameth.^ He often
received Barnave's communications in his pockets,
from which Marie Antoinette took them, and re-
placed them by her answers.*

Those negotiations were without result. Barnave,
seeing that the Queen did not make use of any of
his advice, resolved to leave Paris. The result
would probably have been the same had she followed
it. At that time the revolutionary agitation was so
violent that no voice, however eloquent, no arm,
however powerftd, could have checked it, far less
stopped it.

Mhnoires de Madame Campan^ vol. ii. p. 150.
Deux Femmes de la Rivolution^ by Ch. de Mazade, pp. 251.
252.

THE CONSPIRACY 35

It was not always easy for the General to enter
the palace which had been turned into a real prison.
Is it not to this circumstance that the mysterious
note is due which was found in Jarjayes*s papers,
and which excites curiosity from its form, its
contents, but does not give any indication which
may serve as a clue to its meaning ?

We give this note as we thought it should be
reconstructed, and we give also a facsimile of the
original.

* Roxane sends this ring to Lucius, so that he
may exchange it for a certain heart, which he will
bring to her the first time (he visits her). It
contains the same precious relics and seems to be
more suitable. Roxane was expecting to hear
yesterday from Lucius ; she requests he will explain
to her certain movements which seem to be forming
round the camp of Artaban, and which, if they are
not true, are disquieting on account of the con-
sequences which she foresees. She also requests him
to tell her whether the news he gave her the day
(she saw him) have not taken a perfectly different
aspect from that he expected ; also what does Pradius
think of it all ? Fatime, who does not understand it
in the least, has taken the wise resolution to be
cross. Both of them request Lucius, if he cannot
see (Roxane) during next week, to send them
news, and not to forget to inform . . . Pradius . . .
of the day.*

D2

36 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

On the reverse side —
* to compromise one's self, from the place where those
things are hidden, and speak to him about them,
when the big eclipse is over and the planets, meeting
again, shall resume their usual course. Should it be
too difficult to discover the old friend Mercinus the
great man .... will certainly be able to give
Lucius reliable news of these things.'

As it seems impossible to make any clear
interpretation of this note we must be satisfied with
conjectures, and after careful examination the fol-
lowing seem to be the most suitable and plausible
ones.

The front side of the note was written by some
one belonging to the Queen's household, and most
likely under her dictation. The comparison of
writings enables us to assert that it was written
neither by the King, Madame Elisabeth, nor
Madame Royale. Hence the conclusion that the
note was not written at the Temple.

Besides, the familiar and lively tone gives us a
clue to the probable date, between 1791 and 1792.
The situation was already serious, but it was not yet
irretrievably lost. * The time when the great eclipse
is over, and when the planets, meeting again, shall
resume their usual course.' This phrase must
contain allusions to the expectations which were still
surviving in Marie Antoinette's heart during this
cruel period.

^^M^CM^. i^9taUUy ^j^f*4^* €t4TU^ :^i^

1 ->'*\

(;;)r.

THE CONSPIRACY 37

The reverse side is in the Queen's own handwrit-
ing. She must first have dictated, then written herself.

Roxane is probably meant for hen The proud
Roxane represents the Queen of France. As to the
* precious relics,' they may have been hair from some
of the members of the Royal Family, perhaps her
son, the Dauphin, who had died in June 1789,
During that period hair used to play an important
part ; as will be seen, both the Queen and the King
gave on several occasions some of their own hair,
sometimes their children's hair, as a precious and
dear souvenir.

* Lucius ' must be Jarjayes. This opinion is
founded on the facts that Jarjayes was a gallant man,
a knight in the true sense of the word, and he was
incapable of keeping, and could not keep, a note
from the Queen unless it was addressed to him.
Besides, later on he alluded to a note which he had
received, and in which mention was made of a
dep6t known to Mercy- Argenteau, who evidently
was meant by the words * the old friend Mercinus.'
This allusion of Jarjayes was made in a letter
which he wrote on February 18, 1794, to the
Comte Axel de Fersen, who was then at Brussels.
The letter reached its destination only on the
following March 25. It said : —

* Being able to write to you more easily and
more openly to-day than I could before urges me
to ask for your advice concerning another note

38 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

relative to a deposit which has been entrusted to
M. de Mercy. . . .' *

This deposit was doubtless a sum of money
which the Queen had endeavoured to put in safety
for dark days. We know for a fact that Mercy
had a million and a half francs belonging to her.
He had sent this sum out of France through the
Abb6 de Montesquiou, who had brought it over to
England.^

Marie Antoinette anticipates the time when
*the old friend Mercinus' might be difficult *to
find.' This sentence agrees with the presumed date
of the note. The Vienna ambassador had taken
the necessary precautions against the unpopularity
which prevailed with regard to everything touching
Austria, and he had wisely gone to Belgium, as he
thought it would be more convenient and less
dangerous for him to watch the course of events
from Brussels rather than in Paris.

*The movements forming around the camp of
Artaban ' are easily explained by the frequent riots
and the numerous signs of revolution which troubled
the life of the capital every day. The only difficulty
is to choose between incidents. It might be a
reference to the famous Marseilles bands, which had
recei.tly arrived in Paris, led by Barbaroux, and which
served as heads of the columns and a rallying

* Lt Comte de Fersen et la Cour de France^ vol. ii. p. 430.
' Ibid, vol. ii. p. 92.

THE CONSPIRACY 39

centre for the enemies of the Court. They filled
Marie Antoinette with the wildest apprehensions.
*The arrival of about 600 Marseilles men,' she
wrote to the Comte de Fersen, *and of a krjge
number of other delates from all the Jacobin
dubs, is increasing our anxieties, which are unfor-
tunately too well grounded. . . . The people are
roused. . . . Part of the National Guards show ill-
will, others weakness and cowardice.'

* Pradius ' must have been some friend of
Jarjayes', and, like him, devoted to the Queen.
They were not many who remained zealous and
who fought until the end. Among those faithful
Frenchmen were Goguelat, who having been wounded
at Varennes returned to Paris and rendered endless
service to the Royal Family, M. de Laporte, the
Baron d'Aubier.

Was not * Fatime ' Madame de Jarjayes, who was
shut up in the Tuileries with the Queen ? Or was
it the sweet Princess of Lamballe, who had returned
to her friend early in November 1791 ? At
present it is impossible to answer such questions.
Nevertheless, and in spite of its obscurity, this note
was interesting enough to be published, for every
day brings new discoveries, and some one may have
both the glory and pleasure of deciphering it entirely.

The Queen had already given tokens of her
confidence in Jarjayes when she disclosed to him
her connections with repentant Constitutionals ; she

40 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

again gave him a proof of her confidence a few days
before August lo. This is related by Madame
Campan, one of the first ladies in waiting and a
colleague of Madame de Jarjayes, * The fear that
the Tuileries should be again invaded caused us to
make a thorough review of the King's papers. I
burnt nearly all those belonging to the Queen.
She put into a pocket-book, which she handed to
M. de Jarjayes, her family correspondence and several
letters which she thought might prove useful in
writing the history of the Revolution, especially
Barnave's letters and her answers, of which she had
taken copies.' ^

Unfortunately, this deposit cpuld not be saved
from destruction. The depositary was afraid that
his hiding-place might be found out, and, as such
papers would have exposed his sovereign to the
greatest dangers, he resigned himself to burn them.

The Chevalier did not leave the King in the
hour of danger, although he had no doubt whatever
as to the issue of the struggle.

On the eve of August lo Louis XVI. had
shown to Jaijayes the plan for the defence of
the palace, as it had been prepared by General
Viom^nil. It was very easy for a soldier as well
trained as Jarjayes to see the weak points of the
scheme ; and as he met Madame Campan just
after his conversation with the King he said to her,
^ Vol. ii. p. 218.

■^^^^fj nfrvgst

THE CONSPIRACY 41

*Put into your pockets all your money and jewels ; we
ran unavoidable dangers. There are no means of
defence ; they could be found in the King's courage
alone, and it is the only virtue which he lacks.' ^

In spite of his sombre anticipations Jaijayes
stood beside the King on the following day whilst
the Tuileries were invaded ; he followed him to the
Assembly, into the stenographer's lodge, and it was
there, before parting with him, that Louis XVI. gave
him a formal command not to leave Paris, as he
was his Majesty's * best, bravest, and surest friend.' ^

His respect and submission increased as his
sovereign's power was decreasing, and he took good
care not to disobey such a command. He remained
in Paris with Madame de Jarjayes, who was anxious
to be as true as her husband and to share his perils.

They had not, like many others, the good
fortune to keep up their connection with the royal
prisoners. They had no other means of know-
ing what was going on behind the walls of the
Temple than public rumours. They must have
been shocked when they heard how the Royal
Family were treated by the guardians and keepers.
All the municipal officials, and above all those
who had been secretly won over, behaved in public
as true r^oluHonnaireSj some to be consistent with
their revolutionary principles, others to evade

^ Mhnoires de Madame Campan^ voL ii. p. 239.
* Pricis^ by the Baton de Goguelat, p. 71-

42 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

suspicion by means of a fierce attitude and most
improper language. Both M. de Jarjayes and his
wife pitied their sovereigns for being exposed
to the insults of men like Marcereau, Bernard,
Arthur, or to the sarcasms of known fanatics, such
as Michonis, Toulan, and so many others. . . .

But what could they do ? Alone, the Chevalier
was powerless.

Indeed, it does not appear that he ever knew
the Baron de Batz ; he was not, therefore, acquainted
with the heroic scheme of this man.

The sentence and execution of Louis XVI.
threw the General into the darkest despair. . . .

Overcome by grief, cast down by the horrible
day of January 21, he was on the point of being
completely discouraged, and of leaving France,^
when his devotion was appealed to, thus showing
him that he could still be useful to his King's widow.
His courage was restored ; he recovered at once
his energy and his audacity.

It was February 2, 1793, and he was at
home, when a stranger called and asked to speak
to him in the utmost privacy. This man was
young, about thirty, short, but supple and strong ;
his eyes were quick, his mouth thin, his forehead
broad ; on the whole, he woxild be a good-looking
fellow were not his nose rather flat.^ His dress as

^ PrdctSy by the Baron de Goguelat, p. 71 and following.
* National Record Office W 400^ dossier 927.

''""'■^* •■*»«" ^tf'tj *'■ ; jts

THE CONSPIRACY 43

well as his attitude denoted clearly to Jarjayes that
he had before him a revolutionist.

The presence of such a man at such a time was
dangerous. The man, however, insisted on being
received, so that Jarjayes made up his mind to sec
him. He took him into a distant room and ex-
amined him attentively, though not without distrust
and anxiety.

All at once the man rushed to the General and
told him how much he regretted having taken part
in causing the Royal Family's misfortunes. He had
come to beg for Jarjayes' confidence, and to offer his
aid to atone for the harm he had done — in a word,
to attempt to rescue the Queen and to save her and
the Temple prisoners.

On hearing such unexpected language the
Chevalier, who was as a rule a prudent man, stood
on the defensive. Was it a snare laid to entrap
him ? Or was that man sincere ? In his un-
certainty, ready for all events as far as he was
concerned, but afraid lest an unwise word or gesture
should be the loss of very dear lives, he was very
reserved and would not listen to the stranger's
confidences.

The latter was neither surprised nor oflFended
at his reception ; indeed, he must have been ex-
pecting it, for in order to prove that he had no
evil intention he pulled a note out of his pocket and
handed it to the General.

44 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

* You can have confidence in the man who will
speak to you on my behalf when giving you this note.
His sentiments are known to me — he has never
changed for the last five months. Do not trust too
much the wife of the man who is imprisoned with
us here. I have no confidence either in her or in
her husband.'

As he read this Jarjayes felt an unspeakable
emotion. Those lines were written by the Queen,
Marie Antoinette. He was too well acquainted
with her handwriting to have the slightest doubt.

But who was this stranger ? Who was the
messenger the Queen had chosen, the confidant in
whom she had trusted ? He questioned him, and
his emotion was changed into real amazement when
he heard that it was Toulan who stood before him.
Toulan, the well-known fanatic revolutionary, who
owed to his fierce principles his election as member
of the Commune and his post of commissioner
to watch the Royal Family at the Temple.

45

CHAPTER II

June 30, 1789 — ^Thc Caf(6 de Foy— At the Palais Royal— The
Gardes Frangaises at the Abbaye — Popular Agitation — The
Prison Doors are Forced — The Night at the Variety Theatre
— Appeal to the Assemble Constituante — Delegation of
Sixteen Members to the King — The King's Answer— The
Prisoners are set Free — Toulan, his Origin and Marriage —
He comes to Paris — District President of the Federation of
1790— A Rioter on August 10 — Member of the Society of the
loth of August Men — Member of the Commune — He is on
Guard at the Temple on September 19, 1792 — His Devotion
to the Prisoners — His Revolutionary Attitude and Language
—Minor Services he Renders — His Fears for the Queen after
January 21 — He makes a Plan to Save her— The Queen's
Acceptance — Toulan's Mission to Jarjayes.

On June 30, 1789, a few days before the Bastille
was taken, there was quite a crowd at the Caft
de Foy.

This establishment, which has now disappeared,
was situated in the Palais Royal Galleries. At that
time the Palais Royal was a centre of attraction in
Paris and the greatest resort for meetings. The
Parisians, who in troubled times feel an irresistible
desire to be out of doors, and to talk in public of
politics or to discuss events, had taken good care on
that particular day not to abandon this old custom.
The caft and the garden around it were crowded ;

46 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

the patriots formed the large majority of the people,
and they created a lively stir.

Suddenly, about six o'clock, a commissioner
entered the caft, threw a letter among the drinkers
seated round the tables, and disappeared.

The people rushed for the letter, picked it up,
and read it. It was written in the name of eleven
soldiers of the regiment of the Gardes Frangaises
who had been incarcerated at the Abbaye. They
had been punished by their colonel for having
adhered to a secret society which had been formed
in the Paris army ; its members agreed not to obey
any orders which might seem opposed to the interests
of the Assembl^e Nationale.

Those eleven soldiers stated that they were to
be transferred to Bicdtre during the night, as if they
had been ordinary criminals.

After he had heard the contents of the letter
a young man left the caft at once. He mounted
on a table and addressed the crowd around
him.

* Gentlemen,' he said, 'the brave soldiers who
prevented the blood of our fellow citizens being
spilt at Versailles are imprisoned at the Abbaye ; let
us go and release them ! '

* To the Abbaye ! to the Abbaye ! * responded
the over-excited crowd.

This young man was Toulan. He started ;
they followed him. At first they numbered only two

THE CONSPIRACY 47

hundred ; when they reached the prison they were
four thousand. *

In those days prisons were broken into with
amazing facility. In less than a few minutes the
first gate was forced open ; the inside doors were
broken with mallets, iron bars, and hatchets. At
eight o'clock the prisoners were at liberty.

Proud of their success, the young men carried
the Gardes Fran^aises in triumph to the Palais Royal ;
and, as night had fallen, they took them to the
Thditre des Vari6t6s. Camping beds were stretched
for the soldiers in the pit, and they spent the night
there, guarded by their liberators. The next day
rooms were taken for them at the H6tel de Genive.

Night had brought reflection ; the rioters were
not yet accustomed to see every one of their wishes
fulfilled, and they decided that they should place
themselves under the only authority which could
counterbalance that of the Government ; they at once
set about seeking its support, in order to confirm and
strengthen their victory.

The next morning a numerous delegation, with
Toulan as one of its members, came to the door of
the Assembly at Versailles.

The minutes of the proceedings of that day's
meeting refer to it thus : —

* Sitting of Wednesday, July i, 1789.

* 1 1 o'clock A.M.

*At the opening of the sitting several persons

48 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

who had come from Paris, saying thejr had been
delegated by a laige number of citizens, came to
the Assemble Nationale and sent in a letter to the
President. This letter was read. The object of
both the delegation and the letter was to beg the
Assemblie Nationale to act as mediator with the
King, in order to obtain his pardon for a few
soldiers who had been incarcerated for an act of
disobedience, and whom the crowd had set free by
force.

* The citizens, bearers of this letter, requested
to be received by the Assembly, but the latter
decided that there was no occasion to grant them
such a favour.

* After this a discussion was opened concerning
the answer which should be made to the letter. . . .

* The Assembly decided to send to the King a
delegation composed of sixteen members " to beg
him to use for the restoration of order the infallible
means of leniency and kindness which are so natural
to his heart, and of the confidence his good people
will for ever deserve." ' ^

On July 2 the Archbishop of Paris, who
was chairman of the delegation, gave an ac-
count of his interview with the King. The
latter, after he had read the decision taken by the
Assembly, had answered, * I think your decision is
very wise. I approve the dispositions of the
^ Journal des Dubois et des Dicrets^ vol. i. p. 80 and following.

THE CONSPIRACY 49

Assembl6e des Etats G6n6raux, and as long as it puts
its confidence in me I trust that everything will go
on smoothly/

Then, after he had enquired into the affair, his
Majesty wrote the following letter, which the
Archbishop of Paris read to the Assembly in its
sitting of July 3.

This letter is interesting, because it was another
token of the good intentions as well as of the
weakness of the sovereign. It was in the follow-
ing terms : —

* My Cousin, — I asked for an exact account of
what occurred during the evening of June 30. The
violence used in order to deliver the Abbaye
prisoners is entirely to be condemned, and every
society, every corps, all honest and peaceful citizens
have the greatest interest in upholding the action of
laws to their utmost extent, as it is a protection of
public order, I shall, however, on this occasion,
when once order has been restored, permit a feeling
of kindness to prevail ; and I trust I shall not have
to regret having shown leniency when for the first
time the Assembly of the representatives of the
nation appeal to it ; but I have not the slightest
doubt that the Assembly will attach an equal degree
of importance to the success of all the measures I am
taking to restore order in the capital. A spirit of
licence and insubordination is hurtful to the
general welfare ; and if it should become common

E

50 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

not only would the peace of all citizens be disturbed,
and their confidence impaired, but people would
perhaps in the end undervalue the generous work
which the representatives of the nation are about to
undertake. Communicate the contents of my letter
to the Etats G6n6raux, and do not doubt my esteem
for you.

* (Signed) Louis.

* July 2, 1789.'

Both soldiers and rebels answered the too visible
submission of the Government by an appearance of
submission. The Gardes Franfaises, who had been
sent back to the Abbaye during the night of July 3-4,
were pardoned on the 5th.^

This was the revolutionary episode in which
Toulan appeared in public for the first time, and
which was the origin of the notoriety which was to
raise him later on to an important public post.

Franfois Adrien Tovdan was a southerner.
Born in Toulouse in 1761, he had wedded in his
native place, in July 1787, Franfoise Germaine
Dumahon. This woman, who, though not educated,
was clever, had a deep aflfection for her husband,
and he returned it. She was in every way a
faithful wife and often a devoted helper.

* Histoire Parlemenfaire de la R&uolution FranqaisCy by Buchez
and Roux, voL vii. p. 31 and following ; National Record Office,
W 400, dossier 927 ; M. L^n Lecestre, Revue des Questions
HistoriqueSy April 1886.

THE CONSPIRACY 51

A month after their marriage they came to Paris
—in August 1787 — and took a shop, not far from
the Tuileries, in the section called the Feuillants.
Toulan started as book and music seller.

This was a trade suitable to his tastes. Many a
time he must have glanced at the books he had for
sale ; and his readings must have inspired him with
his fierce love for freedom and his hatred of royalty,
which threw him into wild adventures and soon gave
him in his district the reputation of an ardent
patriot.

The successful way in which he led the rioters
on June 30 resulted in his being appointed president
of the Louvre district. It was thus that he took
part in the procession of the Federation in 1790.

Soon after this, whether his shop did not bring
him enough money or whether he was urged by his
active disposition to do other things, he left his wife
to manage the business, and he entered first as
junior clerk, then as head clerk, the emigrants' pro-
perty office for the Paris district.

Later on he resigned his post, and, going into
partnership with a man of the name of Fondard,
opened an independent office for the prompt settle-
ment of emigrants' claims.

His new business necessitated his living nearer
the * Maison Commune ' — Town Hall — and he
took up his quarters in that district. Rue du
Monceau Saint-Gervais, No. 13, opposite the

E 2

52 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

*Elm.' The Rue du Monceau Saint-Gervais was
a narrbw and winding street, between the Hdtel de
Ville and the Church Saint-Gervais ; in it was the
Rue du Pourtour, which is still in existence. The
Rue du Monceau Saint-Gervais was pulled down
long ago : its site is now occupied by the Place
Saint-Gervais and by part of the Lobeau barracks.

It is not known whether Toulan took any part
on June 20, but on August 10 he took a promi-
nent one among the assailants of the Tuileries
Palace. He was elected member of the loth of
August Men's Club, and soon after member of the
first Commune, called also the loth of August
Commune.

He constantly wore the medal and certificate of
the Commune.

The certificate was worded thus : —

COMMUNE OF PARIS,

August 29, 1993,*

Second Year © o^ The French
ReptJblic.

Secretary Registrar
Medal

Given to the C* Toulan, Member
of the loth of August Commune.

Signed : Coulombeau, Secret^ Reg".

Between the words * year ' and * of/ where we have
^ This is evidently a misprint, and 1993 must stand for 1793.

THE CONSPIRACY 53

put a cross, is a medallion, which bears at the top
the inscription * Commune of Paris,' with a Phrygian
cap between. In the centre of the medallion and
between two laurel branches is inscribed —

Liberty,

14 J^ 1789.

Equality,

10 August,

1792.

These various titles and the numerous proofs of
patriotism given by Toulan very naturally pointed
him out for the post of watcher at the Temple.

He was not an ordinary man ; he was broad-
minded and proud-hearted. Gifted with an intellect
fiill of resource, he combined extreme ingenuity
with immovable audacity and courage. Ready for a
joke, he deceived his friends as well as his enemies
by his habit of taking and turning everything in
a jocular way. He was one of those deceitful
people who are exceedingly clever in hiding, their
dissimulation under the appearance of talkative good-
nature.

When he was sent for the first time to the
Temple his reputation, his conduct, and his extra-
vagant language made the prisoners fear that they
would find in him an unrelenting enemy, under an
appearance more refined than that of his colleagues.
It seemed as if it would take a miracle to change
that man. But the miracle took place. He had

54 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

come to the Temple with a horror of the tyrant
and his family ; and yet his two days' guard were
not over before his hatred and prejudices had been
changed into a deep admiration for the victims.

What were the causes of so sudden and so extra-
ordinary a change ? Although his devotion may
lose in romance and poetry, we must confess that
love had no share in it. It was prompted only by
compassion.

Marie Antoinette, despite her years — she was
then seven-and-thirty — and despite her white hair —
white with the emotions she had felt during the
journey to Varennes ^ — had not lost much of her
proud and imposing beauty. Toulan did not feel
for her love in the real sense of the word.

Those strange passions for the * stars ' attributed
to * worms of the earth ' are quite a modern con-
ception born of romanticism. Men belonging to
society, like the Comte de Fersen, or to the upper
middle-class, like Barnave, or even men of the
middle class elevated by talent or a high political
education might have fallen in love with the Queen.
This was quite possible, although it was not quite
proved in the case of Barnave ; but for a man like
Toulan, who was an obscure plebeian, and who
remained one in spite of the social downfall, which
was more apparent than real, such a supposition is
improbable.

^ Mdmoire de Madame Campan^ voL ii. p. 149.

THE CONSPIRACY ^5

And what shows that Toulan did remain a
plebeian is his conduct even during and after his
stay at the Temple. At no period does he seem to
have forgotten his republican principles. He was
humane and gentle towards the prisoners, but when
they were in question he never thought of the political
point of view. Even when he was prompted by his
devotion to save Marie Antoinette he saw in her
the woman who might be freed, not the Queen who
might be replaced on the throne.

His devotion was not even exclusive. After
Marie Antoinette had been transferred to the Con-
ciergerie he remained at the Temple, and exchanged
signals with Madame Elisabeth, to the peril of his
own life. Must we suppose that he was in love with
that princess ? When at last events had frustrated
his calculations, when the woman whom he had
wished to save was inevitably lost, he submitted
easily. His conscience was satisfied, for he had done
all in his power. Then he only thought of saving
himself, and he gave signs of an entirely free mind,
which was not compatible with a real affection.

Such an opinion is based, not on vague conjec-
tures, but on the knowledge we have of actions
which he performed after the conspiracy due to his
instigation ; this knowledge rests on serious and true
documents, such as letters from his lady cousin
Ricard and his friend Rosalie Lafont. These letters
are in keeping with his character, as it is easy tosee.

56 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Courageous and sensitive, Toulan had at first em-
braced the new theories because they were most
attractive as a programme. They aimed at pro-
tecting the weak and humble, and doing away with
privilege ; in a word, they were the summing up of
the philanthropy which filled all minds at the outset
of the Revolution. Later on, after the republicans
had conquered royalty and seized power, Toulan*s
hatred did not survive the struggle. He left
to others the care of pursuing with vexations the
fallen victims ; he refused to consider whether the
Queen prisoner had, in the eyes of a patriot, deserved
her lot or not as an expiation of the faults with
which he had reproached her before ; he saw in her
nothing more than fallen grandeur, an unfortunate
princess, who defied adversity by the dignified calm
which she opposed to the worst blows. He was
conquered by the sight of this unfortunate mother ;
perhaps he was also attracted by the thought that he,
the paltry clerk and unknown citizen, might become
the protector of a Queen of France ; and thus moved,
yielding to the charm which attends misfortune, he
passed over from the side of her enemies to the side
of her most reliable and faithful servants.

Nevertheless, he remained what he had always
been. Whilst becoming a hero of a particular kind,
devoted to Marie Antoinette, he never ceased to be
a republican and to love his wife.

He was on duty at the Temple for the first time

THE CONSPIRACY 57

on September 19, as is shown by a note in the
handwriting of the doorkeeper Mathey. His com-
munications with the prisoners dated from that
very day, since Marie Antoinette wrote on Feb-
ruary 2 that * his sentiments are known to her ;
that for five months he has not varied/

How did he manage to make his sudden con-
version known to the princesses, and how could he
do so without attracting the attention of his col-
leagues ? It is not known, and never will be. What,
however, is certain is that the princesses had soon
the greatest confidence in him. He convinced them
so fiiUy of his truthfulness and his loyalty that
they feared neither treason nor snare on his part,
Madame Elisabeth informed Turgy at once of this
understanding, and she told Turgy in one of the
notes which he kept for posterity how they had
nicknamed him : * You will give this to Toulan,
whom we shall call henceforth " Faithful." ' ^

But Faithful was of no use unless he kept his
mask of a revolutionist. The Temple tower was
crowded with informers and spies, always on the look-
out. Toulan was careful not to betray himself.
He was too clever a man to let those people see
through his game. He therefore remained the
same in appearance, speaking as freely of the pri-
soners, remaining a zealous patriot, greatly shocking
those of his colleagues who had worshipped the Royal
^ Fragments, by Turgy, p. 355.

58 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Family in secret.^ He deceived everybody except
those whom he did not want to deceive, so that on
December 2, 1792, when the members of the Com-
mune were renewed, he was re-elected without oppo-
sition, as being a staunch citizen and an enemy of
the tyrants.

Until January 2 1 he only rendered a few minor
services to the prisoners. He it was who had the
idea of paying a crier with a stentor*s voice to come
every evening, about ten, and call out all the news
contained in his newspaper- This information was
very vague, but he supplemented it by going inside
the Temple as often as his duties would allow him,
under various pretexts. He it was again who,
on January i, 1793, acquainted the Royal Family
with the wishes of Louis XVI., to whom he made
known those of the Queen, Madame Elisabeth, and
the royal children.^

The King's death had shaken Marie Antoinette's
confidence. For his part, Toulan saw the danger
that hung over the Queen's head at an early date.
He trembled for the life of her whom he surrounded
with the most chivalrous and generous attentions.
In his devoted zeal he was not afraid to mention his
fears, and he did it so as to point out how safety lay
at the side of danger — not certain, of course, but
possible and probable.

* Quelques Souvenirs^ by Lepitre, p. 19.

* IHd. pp. 23-27.

THE CONSPIRACY 59

It was evident that the men who had been so
bold as to kill the King of France would not be
afraid of committing other crimes. It was, therefore,
necessary to find some means of depriving them of
their other victims. Toulan's imagination did not
remain idle^ and he had soon shaped out a plan for
such an attempt.

For his own part, he undertook to take the pri-
soners out of the Temple. But taking them out of
Paris was a more difficult task for him. Did not
Marie Antoinette know of any servant or friend who
could help her in this matter ?

The Queen, dazzled by such an offer, reftised at
first to believe that such good luck could still be in
store for her ; but, little by little, persuaded by the
Gascon's talk, his assurance, excitement, and con-
fidence, she consented to consider his offer. Yet she
wanted first to have the advice of a wise and cautious
man. One name came to her lips — Jarjayes. Where
could she indeed find a better councillor for herself,
or a safer and more precious help for Toulan ?

She had not the slightest doubt that he had
remained in Paris, for she knew him, and she
remembered that he had received from his King the
formal order to stay^ Without any loss of time she
gave the municipal officer the name and address of
the General. She handed Toulan the note which was
to accredit him with De Jarjayes.

Notwithstanding the danger he ran, Toulan did

6o A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

not hesitate to go to the Royalist's ; but he
managed so well to disguise the change which had
taken place in him, even to those who saw him
frequently at the Temple, that nothing leaked
out, and to all he was still the fierce patriot. Thus
are explained the emotion and wonder of the
Chevalier when he heard the extraordinary and
unexpected revelation.

6i

CHAPTER III

ConTersation between Toulan and De Jarjayes— The Latter wishes
to see the Queen — Difficulties of suqh an Enterprise — ^The
Couple Tison — Precautions taken by the Commune regarding
Them — Second Interview — Second Note from the Queen —
Toulan Finds a Means — The Chevalier Disguises Himself—
He Enters the Temple — He Sees the Queen — Description of
Marie Antoinette's Room— The Chevalier's Emotion — Fears
of the Queen — Third Note — ^Jarjayes's Answer — Fourth Note.

The first moment of surprise over, the Chevalier
soon recovered his presence of mind. The Queen
called him ; his duty was to answer her appeal.

Although the Queen's note brought by Toulan
was very plain, and gave him the necessary assurance
for opening negotiations with Toulan, M. de
Jarjayes did not think fit to speak without reserve.
His bravery was cool and calculated, and the ex-
perience he had acquired in witnessing the events,
added to the maturity of his mind, urged him to
be cautious. And in so important a matter he would
not leave to chanc'fc anything which he could
provide for.

He questioned the commissioner on his scheme,
intentions, and means of success.

Although Toulan was much younger than his
interlocutor, he was not the less experienced of the

62 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

two, and was quite as cautious as De Jarjayes. He
was extremely reserved, and only gave some vague
indications which he thought ought to tell the
Chevalier what he wanted to do.

The Chevalier, whilst appreciating as much as he
ought the commissioner's communication, nevertheless
wished to make sure that everything was clear before
making a single step forward. The Queen's safety
was at stake, and this was so important an under-
taking that things should not be done without some
certainty of success.

He saw only one means of doing so, and this
was by securing an interview with the Queen, so as
to speak to her and receive from her own mouth
the instructions she had to give. ^

Counting as nought the dangers he might
personally incur, he at once imparted his idea to
Toulan ; he asked him to introduce him into the
Temple, were it only for a few minutes, and to
enable him to see the Queen. The hearts of heroes
understand one another ; Toulan was not at all
surprised. He only answered that it was difficult
to manage, but not impossible ; he would think it
over and would try to find a way to comply with
M. de Jarjayes's wish. Then before he left the
Chevalier he asked him to kindly give him a line
for the Queen, so as to prove to her that he had
fulfilled his mission.

The General had no hesitation in granting this

THE CONSPIRACY 63

request, and he entrusted to this Commune official,
whom a few moments earlier he had mistaken for an
enemy, a letter for Marie Antoinette,

* Faithful * brought the Chevalier's answer to the
Queen and communicated to her the bold plan he
had conceived. The Queen rejoiced, and yet she
trembled. However, her pleasure at seeing this
devoted servant, to talk to him and make out a plan
for her deliverance, was stronger than her apprehen-
sions or her scruples. Obedient to the wishes of
both, Toulan set to work to carry out successfully
this undertaking.

As we said before, it was no easy matter ; for
all, the probable dangers were great and numer-
ous. The Temple was crowded with guards
and, what was worse, with spies. Among the
servants many had been chosen solely because they
could be trusted for their revolutionary zeal and
their hatred for the royal personages. Among them,
and more dangerous by themselves than all the
others put together, were Tison and his wife.

This hateful couple had been sent to the Temple
by the Commune under pretext of helping Hue
and Cldry, and they were specially in the service of
the Queen and her children ; in reality, they were
there for the dirtiest work. The couple were well
matched ; the husband, ^ false and cruel, could easily
compose his expression, and endeavoured to gain
the confidence of the commissioners, whom he saw

64 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

for the first time. Cruel in his language when he

spoke to those whose villany was known to him,

he affected to show a certain amount of compassion

before those whom he believed to be honest and

sensitive.' ^ The same could be said of the woman :

she took her husband as an example, although more

out of fear than from her natural disposition, and,

* with a devilish hypocrisy, she seemed to sympathise

with every one of the august prisoners' troubles,^ in

the hope that she might thus obtain their confidence,

which the couplewere ready to sell to their employers.'

In order to make sure of these two, who had

been placed at the Temple as traitors, and who

therefore inspired no confidence in their masters,

the Commune had used every possible means to

keep them in its power ; it iiad even made use of

a strange device — one worthy of the Commune.

The couple Tyson had a daughter about fifteen.

It appears that they were both fond of the child,

and this affection was about the only human feeling

which affected them. The Commune had hidden

the girl, and played with the scoundrels as if

they had been animals, famished or satisfied in turn,^

by allowing them to see her and then taking her

back again ; she was a miserable hostage who had to

answer for both the faithfulness and the villany of

her parents.

^ Q^elques Souvenirs^ by Lepitre, p. 17.

' PriciSy by the Baron de Goguelat, p. 74.

' Marie-Antoinette^ by Ed and J. de Goncourt, p. 420.

THE CONSPIRACY 6$

One can easily understand how dangerous such
people would be. The Queen herself from the
very first, when it was only a question of bringing
Jarjayes and Toulan together, had thought of warn-
ing the General against this hypocritical and wicked
couple. * Do not trust too much the wife of the
man who is shut up with us. I trust neither her
nor her husband,' she had written.

And now it was far worse. The Chevalier wanted
to come to the Temple. But when there was talk
of making such an attempt Marie Antoinette, more
than ever on her guard, gave the municipal officer a
new note, in which, while approving Jarjayes' plan,
she requested him to make haste, and renewed her
first warning in the most pressing manner.

* Now, if you have made up your mind to come
here, the sooner the better. But, whatever you do,
take good care not to be recognised — above all by
the woman who is here with us.'

In fact, Toulan's clever imagination and inven-
tiveness, which never failed him, had soon suggested
to him the way to comply with the joint wish expressed
both by Marie Antoinette and M. de Jarjayes.

He had noticed among the numerous people
employed at the Temple, who could easily come and
go by means of the cards the municipal officers gave
them, a lamplighter who came every afternoon
about half-past five, either alone or with one or two
of his children. The sentries, who were used to seeing

r

66 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

him, often allowed him to pass without asking him
for his card.

To arrange with this man, and pay him for his
complicity handsomely, might have been possible,
but, like all other complicities, it involved danger,
the more so when the accomplice was a poor
man ; for, in possession of a secret, he might betray
it out of cupidity, wickedness, or merely through
stupidity.

Toulan found a better plan than that.

He pretended that he wished to show a friend
of his, as good a patriot as he was, the Temple and
the Queen ; and he persuaded the lamplighter
to give up his place for one evening, which the man
did without any suspicion.

Thanks to this arrangement, M. de Jarjayes put
on the lamplighter's dirty clothes, and, under this
disguise, entered the prison, where he did his wprk
without being recognised.^ This happened on
February 6 or 7, when Toulan was on duty at the
Temple.

The General was able to see the Queen for a few
minutes, but long enough for her to have time to
confirm vivd voce what she had told him in her
letters. She exhorted him to trust Toulan implicitly,
to take his advice into consideration, and to carefully
examine the plans he would submit for her escape.

Jarjayes must have been deeply moved when he

1 M/motres de Madame Campan^ vol. vi. p. 218, footnote.

THE CONSPIRACY 67

saw his sovereign in a room badly paved with bricks^
the walls of which were covered with a paltry green
paper with a large pattern 1 And what furniture ! — j

an Italian bed and a couch with back and sides, each 1

in a corner of the room ; on one side and in front of !

the window a sofa ; over the mantelshelf a looking-
glass forty-five inches wide and a timepiece. This
timepiece, which was to mark time for Louis XVI.'s
widow, represented Fortune and her wheel.^

Whatever control the Chevalier had over himself,
he surely did not conceal his impressions as well as
he had disguised himself, and his expression drew
the attention of some of the servants ; for hardly
had he left the Temple when Marie Antoinette, who
was always afi-aid for those who were devoted to her,
sent him the following note : —

* Beware of Madame Archi. She seems to me to
be on very friendly terms with the man and woman
whom I mentioned in my former note. Try to
see Madame Th. . . . You will be informed why.
How is your wife ? She has too kind a heart not to
be ill.^

We are reduced to conjecture with regard to the
people designated under the words * Madame Archi '
and * Madame Th.' The first was most probably
a woman in the service of the prisoners ; it may
have been the laundress. As to Madame Th., who was
certainly a friend, as she was acquainted with the plot,
^ Marie-Antoinettey by Ed. and J. de Goncourt, pp. 393, 394.

F2

68 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

does it mean Madame Thibaut, who, like Madame
de Jarjayes, was first lady-in-waiting ? After having
accompanied the Queen to the Feuillants and then
to the Temple, August 10-13, she was incarcerated
at La Force, and, as by a miracle, escaped the
September massacres.

The Chevalier was deeply touched by the
solicitude the royal prisoner showed for him and his
wife, and such solicitude was much more appreciated
by him in the actual circumstances. He answered
at once, expressing warmly his gratitude and his
faith in the future. He also took advantage of this
opportunity to reassure the Queen with regard to a
friend of hers whose name had been mentioned in
the short conversation they had had together, and
who is prudently designated under the name of the
* Nivernais.*

The gentleman in question can be no other
than the Baron Fran9ois de Goguelat, born at Chateau
Chinon, in the Nivernais, who, though deeply attached
to the Royal Family, was not always successful in his
efforts. A brave soldier, but gifted with a slow intellect,
he had more than once compromised the interests which
had been entrusted to his care, especially during the
King's flight in the month of June 1791. Too
obedient to the orders of young Choiseul, he had
forsaken with the latter his post at Pont-Sommevesle ;
and when he arrived at Varennes, two hours after the
ftigitives' arrest, he had uselessly exposed himself to

THE CONSPIRACY 69

being twice wounded, although Louis XVI. had given
strict orders that no one should make any attempt
to deliver his Majesty by force. Goguelat's excessive
zeal and bravery were therefore rendered useless.

He was arrested for this offence, but was soon
released ; for when the King decided to submit to
the Constitution of 1791 it was with the stipulation
that there would be an amnesty for all those who
had compromised themselves in his service.

Goguelat, who had recovered from his wounds,
returned to Paris and put himself at the disposal
of his sovereigns. During the following year
(from July 1 79 1 to August 1792) he was the most
useful of Marie Antoinette's auxiliaries. It was he
who wrote most of the letters she addressed to
M. de Fersen, and who undertook to carry several
important messages to Brussels. He took part in
those interesting negotiations the recent discovery
of which has thrown quite a new light on the secret
doings of the Revolution.^ He emigrated after
August 10, and enlisted in the Bercheny hussars.^

Like Jarjayes, whose friend he was, he had not
always been a favourite in the Queen's intimate
entourage. Marie Antoinette was aware of it, but
for all that she never ceased to have the same

^ The narrative of this period is to be found n l/n Ami de la
Reine.

^ He came back to France in 181 5 and died in Paris on
January 3, 1831.

70 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

esteem for a servant whose merits and services she
appreciated. She speaks of it in the note she wrote
to Jarjayes (a facsimile of which is annexed), in
which, before telling him what had been decided
upon in regard to the plot, she thanked him for
the pleasure he had given her by his language
and expresses her confidence in the * Nivernais.'

* Your letter has done me good. I had not the
least doubt with regard to the Nivernais ; but I felt
exceedingly sorry that anyone should think ill of
him. Listen attentively to the ideas which will be
laid before you ; weigh them thoroughly and
cautiously. As for us, we give ourselves up to
entire confidence. I shall above all things be
glad to be able to reckon you among those
who can be useful to us. You will see the new
man : his appearance is not prepossessing, but he
is indispensable, and we must have him. T.
[Toulan] will tell you what must be done in the
matter. Try to find him anci arrange everything
with him before he comes here again. In case you
do not succeed in this, and if you have no objection,
see M. de la Borde for me. You know that he
has money belonging to me.'

Things had advanced. Let us now see what
Toulan's ideas were for the escape of the Royal
Family.

pffM^rO^i^ J9i^^^ n^tni^ ft.0^1^

71

CHAPTER IV

Frequent Interviews between Toulan and Jarjayes, Toulan, and the
Queen — The Prisoners refuse to be separated — Vigilance of the
Commissioners at the Temple— Organisation of the Guards'
Service — The Two Commissioners — Necessity of Finding
Accomplices — A Difficult Choice — The Queen decides.

Toulan and Jarjayes had given up mistrusting each
other since the Queen had spoken to them, and had
at once set to work at their plan of escape. The
municipal officer was the link between the Chevalier
and the prisoner. By-the-bye, it is right to mention
that the commissioners often went to the Temple on
other days than their days for duty. They made use of
the least pretext to do so, and the three-coloured scarf
was sufficient to open every door to them. Toulan
used this privilege freely. This fact was perfectly
well known, for Marie Thirfese relates that when
examined on October 8, 1793, she was asked if she
knew Toulan, * a short young fellow who so often
came to the Temple on duty.' ^

The first point which they settled was that the
various members of the Royal Family who remained
should not be separated. But it was impossible to

^ Ricits des Evinements arrivis au Temple^ p. 58.

72 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

bring four persons out of the Temple if the guards
were not put off the scent or bribed.

At first the prisoners were watched by four
municipal officials ; during the King's trial the
number of warders had been raised to eight, but since
January 2 1 there were again only four. Each com-
missioner was on duty for forty-eight hours. Every
second day names were drawn by lot at the general
committee of the Commune.

Guard began at 9 p.m. It was divided into two
parts — twenty-four hours with the prisoners and
the same length of time in the committee room.
This was on the ground floor ; above it, on the
first floor, was the guards' room ; on the second
were the apartments where the King had been con-
fined ; the Queen w^s on the third floor.

When the commissioners came they began by
sitting down to supper ; then they would draw by
lot the names of those who should first mount
guard over the prisoners. Those whose names
came out for the night went up after supper to the
Queen's apartment, and remained there until eleven
o'clock next morning ; after dinner they resumed
their guard till the arrival of the new commissioners.
On the second day they still mounted guard for
a few hours.^

This arrangement did not last, and it was not
long before the system of drawing names by lot was
^ Q^elques SouvenirSy by Lephre, p. 16.

THE CONSPIRACY 73

dropped. All the members of the Commune were
supposed to be regularly on duty by turn ; but in
reality it was not so. After their first curiosity had
been satisfied many of them tried to escape what
they considered a nuisance. Most ,of them gave
excuses on Fridays, and still more on Saturdays.
'They were not anxious to spend the Sunday at
the Temple. Those men who were busy all the
week valued the pleasure and rest which they might
enjoy on that day too highly to sacrifice it for the
sake of keeping guard over the Royal Family and
being shut up with them.' ^

The result was that the commissioners chosen
for duty at the Temple were almost always men
who were willing to go there, and who offered them-
selves for this service. Toukn, more than anyone
else, took advantage of such opportunities.

Volunteers or not, there were always two together
on sentry, and before the plotters could proceed
with their plan of escape it was strictly necessary to
secure another municipal official's complicity. Toulan
would then do his utmost, first, to be on guard as
often as possible with him, so as to concoct their
plan together ; secondly, to make sure that both of
them should be on duty on the day appointed, so
that they might co-operate in carrying it out.

How could the necessary colleague be found !
The commissioners who were most sympathetic to
^ Qu^lgues SouvemrSf p. 23.

74 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

the Royal Family kept before others the same fierce
attitude towards the prisoners, and in the presence of
other guards or warders made use of their usual
revolutionary language. How could one choose
between the good and the bad when their manners
were identical ?

The Queen alone knew those who were devoted
to her ; she had already attracted Toulan's attention
to one of them, called Lepltre. In the present
circumstances she mentioned the latter to Toulan as
being best fitted to help them in their bold enter-
prise, and as being the man who must by all means
be won over.

75

CHAPTER V

Jacqaes Frangois Lepitre — His Disposition — Representative of
the Paris Commune — Member of the Provisional Commune
— On Duty at the Temple for the First Time— His Secret
Royalism — He Discloses his Personality to the King and
Queen — His Connection with Toulan — He Offers a Song to
Louis XVII. — He is appointed President of the Passport
Committee.

This Jacques Fran9ois Lepitre was indeed a strange
character.^

He had neither the physique nor the mind of a
hero, yet he had enough imagination to be one.
He was a strange mixture of bravery, cautiousness,
and even faintheartedness ; he was full not only of
contrasts but of contradictions. Educated and hard-
working, he had plenty of faults and quite as many
good qualities.

Born in Paris on January 6, 1764, he was married
and a professor of rhetoric at the Lisieux College
before he was twenty. On reaching his majority
he opened and managed a boarding-school at
No. 168 Rue Saint- Jacques, in the Observatory

^ For the whole of this chapter ses Quelques Souvenirs^ by
Lepftfe.

^6 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Section.^ He used to speak with the floridness of a
fluent teacher, often enriching his language by Latin
quotations ; as a schoolmaster he was honest, shy,
and perfectly correct in his manners and private life.

If Toulan had been won over to the person of
the King rather than to royalism by compassion,
Lepltre, on the other hand, who was a bprn royalist,
became a republican both out of cautiousness and
misfortune. However, he showed just enough
conviction to be put down as a patriot and to be
credited with civic virtues. On the whole, he was
a moderate republican, and by cleverly manoeuvring
between revolution and reaction he inspired con-
fidence in both parties. This is why, when, after
July 1789, an Assembly of three hundred repre-
sentatives of the Paris Commune took the place of
electors, he was chosen by his fellow citizens to sit
in that Assembly. It met for the first time on
September 18.

Barristers being the majority and professors few
in number, Lepltre did not get a chance to speak.
The learned Professor, who was accustomed to speak
before an easily pleased audience, found silence hard
to bear, and he wrote maliciously, ^ Lost in this crowd
of men who were eager to speak, I confined myself to
listening, and this was not the least tiring part
of . • • •'

He left his post after the first federation, July
^ Houses were then numbered by sections and not by streets.

THE CONSPIRACY 77

14, 1790. He had just been appointed professor
of helles-Uttres in one of the Paris colleges, all the
while being at the head of his own school, and this
was work enough for him ; he had no time to
devote to public affairs. He therefore was out of
touch with political life until December 2, 1792.

At this time he had more leisure : boys were
not then given to study, and he was again tempted
by politics. His aim remains doubtful. Was it
out of a desire to help the royal prisoners at the
Temple, as it was reported that the decent citizens
of his section urged him to do, or was it, on the
contrary, to show himself off^ as a true republican ?
Was it, perhaps, only out of curiosity to know
whether there might be fewer barristers in the new
Assembly, and whether he might have a better
chance to speak } Whatever his motive may have
been, he was a candidate for election, and was duly
elected a member of the municipality, which
assumed its duties on December 2, 1792, under
the name of Provisional Commune — Commune
Provisoire.

A few days after the 9th he was sent to the
Temple. He was deeply moved by the dignity
with which both the King and the Queen bore their
trials, and the sight awakened his dormant Royalist
sympathies.

On the 15th, as he was in attendance on his
Majesty, he attracted Louis XVI.'s attention by a

78 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

litde display, quite in keeping with his nature and
profession.

Making a pretext of getting rid of a dull and
silent colleague, he went to the King's room and
asked leave to take the works of Virgil from the
mantelshelf.

* Do you know Latin ? ' said the Sovereign with
surprise.

* Yes, your Majesty,' he replied very low ; and
he added —

' Non ego cum Danai's Trojanam exscindere gentem
Aulide juravi ! '

It meant in plain French, * I have not, like the
Revolutionists, sworn to destroy monarchy.' This was
a clever and flattering way of telling his Sovereign
his opinion, while keeping on the safe side with his
colleagues, who probably did not know Latin.

A single glance from his Majesty told him he
had understood.

This first success made him bolder, and in one
particular case he did not hesitate to give tokens of
his solicitude for the Queen. He had heard a few
remarks made by Toulan on the prisoners, and in a
pamphlet Lepltre, speaking of them, called them
unwise remarks. He mentioned the matter to
Marie Antoinette, and asked her if she was perfectly
sure of the man with whom she had been talking.
She kindly reassured him on this point.

THE CONSPIRACY 79

These various tokens of respect attracted atten-
tion to him. Warned by the princesses, Toulan
made enquiries, and learned that Lepltre was more
reliable than the others. He then told him in con-
fidence what he had done for the august prisoners,
and when Lepltre could do so he helped Toulan, and
was proud of the confidence Toulan had put in him,
as it gave him importance.

He was far from being a handsome man. Being
very ugly, short, and corpulent, he was not at all attrac-
tive ; besides, he was lame. He consoled himself for all
his physical defects by the moral superiority he sup-
posed he had. He speaks of it in his * Souvenirs '
with true simplicity, but without bitterness.

He was shocked at the death of Louis XVI.
It inspired him with manly resolutions, which found
vent in a song of five verses. He wrote it for
little Louis XVII., and presented him with it on
February 7. It was pure Royalism, and was written
with the best of intentions.

This last act, added to the tokens of sympathy
which he had given previously to the Royal Family,
decided Marie Antoinette in the choice she had made.
There was also another strong point in his favour.
Lepltre was president of the Passport Committee,
and his help was more than precious — it was indis-
pensable.

By the Queen's order, Toulan imparted to
Lepltre the plan made to rescue the royal prisoners.

8o A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

CHAPTER VI

Lepitre's Imagination at Work — Reflections— The Queen insists —
He must be put in the Secret at any Cost — Money Sacrifice —
Appeal to M. de la Borde— Jarjayes refuses this New Aid — ^Too
many Accomplices — Fifth Note — ^Jarjayes and Lepitre — Agree-
ment—Sixth and Seventh Letters — The Gold Box.

The first words Toulan spoke set Lepitre's imagina-
tion on fire.

A conspiracy ! To take part in a conspiracy !
What a dream for a man who for so many years had
translated and expounded the Greek and Latin
classics, in whose countries conspiracies were common
and honoured I It was a means of making his name
remembered in history and of securing for himself a
few lines of praise in the works of a future Thucy-
dides or Livy. No man could have resisted such a
prospect, the Professor least of all. He therefore
gladly agreed to take part in the conspiracy.

This was his first impression, the result of an
uncontrollable imagination which sets to work
without troubling about consequences. Unfortu-
nately, Lepltre's heart followed with difficulty his
imagination ; or, rather, it did not follow it. The first
excitement over, Lepitre thought it was a matter for
very great consideration. He remembered that he

THE CONSPIRACY 8i

was a married man, at the head of a prosperous
school ; that he would have to leave France, and
with France his school of the Rue Saint- Jacques.
These were sacrifices hard to make.

He cautiously mentioned his objections toToulan,
who himself referred them to Marie Antoinette.

The very fact of having instructed Lepltre as to
the plan rendered it necessary to keep him among the
accomplices. It would, indeed, have been very
unwise to apply to anyone else, and to arouse the
curiosity of several commissioners, without making
them accomplices who would be held together by a
common danger. Besides that, who else could be
chosen ? Lepltre, moreover, was chairman of the
Passports Committee, and he alone could give the
fugitives the required passports. Lastly, time was
short.

As the Professor had raised no objection with
regard to the perilous side of the enterprise, and as
the only objection he made was on account of the
loss he might suffer, it became a mere question of
the indemnity to be paid to him in advance, so as to
safeguard him against any possible loss. The Queen
was of opinion that Lepltre's objection must be
overcome at any cost, even should it be necessary to
bribe him.

One man alone could succeed in this task, and
for a very good reason. This was Jarjayes. She sent
Lepltre to him.

G

82 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

She was fully aware that the straightforward and
disinterested General's impression would be an
unfevourable one when he heard the motives of
Lepltre's visit. Knowing also that the commissioner's
physique was not in his favour, Marie Antoinette was
afraid that Jarjayes, through an outburst of temper,
would endanger the success of her negotiations.
She therefore took particular care to caution him
against a bad impression. Her note showed her insist-
ence in repeating to the Chevalier that this man was
* absolutely necessary, and that he must be won over.'

She further requested Toulan to explain clearly
what means were to be used. But as the sum
required might be a large one she dared not ask M. de
Jarjayes to advance it. She therefore named her
banker, to whom Jarjayes might apply if necessary :
it was Jean Benjamin de la Borde, ex-gentleman-
in-waiting of Louis XV., who after the King's
death had been made a farmer-general. * He had
in his hands money belonging to Marie Antoinette.'

Nevertheless Jarjayes thought it would be want-
ing both in wisdom and prudence to add to the
number of people who were already in the plot,^
and, being ready to risk his life, the Chevalier was
also ready to risk his fortune. He answered the

^ Besides, M. de la Borde had at that time left Paris. He had
sought refuge in Normandy, where he was arrested the follow-
ing year. Brought back to Paris, he was guillotined on July 22,
1794

THE CONSPIRACY 83

Queen that he wished to carry out the business alone,
and she understood the importance of his reasons.

^ I think, indeed, that it is impossible to make
at present any demands upon M. de la Borde. All
of them would be inconvenient, and it is better that
you should yourself conclude the business — that is,
if you are able to do so. I had thought of him, so
as to save you advancing a sum which is too large
for you.'

The General put himself in communication with
Lepitre, and succeeded in overcoming his last objec-
tions. The schoolmaster, being satisfied on the
point of the material loss he might incur by taking
an active part in the plot, put himself at the disposal
of the conspirators. He even offered them his
house for their meetings.

When the Queen heard of this result she wrote
to the Chevalier, telling him how pleased she was.

* T [Toulan] told me this morning that you had

finished with the com. [commissioner.] What a
precious friend you are ! '

Yet she could not forbear comparison between
Lepitre — who was receiving a fortune — and Toulan,
who received not a penny, although he was running
far greater risks. She mentioned this fact to Jar-
jayes.

* 1 should be glad if you could do something for

T [Toulan]. He behaves too well towards us

to allow us not to show our appreciation of it.'

G 2

84 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

But Toulan was not Lepttre. As disinterested
as he was sensitive and devoted, he refused to accept
anything from the Queen except a gold box which
she sometimes used.^

Marie Antoinette was fatal to her best friends,
and her gratitude was to carry the strangest con-
sequences. This same box was to become the basis
of a terrible accusation against its owner.

* Prids by the Baron de Goguelat, p. ^^,

85

CHAPTER VII

Plan of Escape— Meeting at Lepitre*s House— Toulan brings his
Friend Ricard — Parts are Distributed — Precautions taken at
the Temple against Indiscretions — ^The Queen and Madame
Elisabeth to Disguise themselves — Clothes are Brought to the
Temple by the Commissioners — Toulan's Hat — ^Three-coloured
Scarves— Marie Th^r^se's Disguise — The Lamplighter and his
Children— Difficulty to bring out Louis XVI L— A New
Accomplice.

Whatever means may have been used to convince
Lepltre they were successful, and the plan of escape
might henceforth assume a practical phase.

This was a most intricate question, for there
were no fewer than four people to make their
escape — the Queen, Madame Elisabeth, Marie
Thirise, and a child — ^little Louis XVIL The
number of prisoners to rescue increased the diffi-
culties of the task a hundredfold.

Yet those difficulties, however great they might
be, did not frighten men like Toulan or Jarjayes ;
but the question was how to overcome them all, and
everything had to be carefully considered. This
required many meetings, in which the ideas of the
accomplices could be weighed with the greatest care.

They decided to meet at Lepitre's house, in the
Rue Saint- Jacques, because it was far from the Temple.
Besides the schoolmaster, there came to thos^

86 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

meetings Toulan, Jaijayes, and a fourth man called
sometimes Ricard, but whom Lepltre called Guy.

We do not know much of this man, and this
ignorance is to be regretted, for he certainly was of
importance. The reader will learn further on ^ the
discussion which took place concerning him, and he
will see how, by means of the documents we possess,
we have been able to find out who he was,
and discover the curious love afiair which caused
him to be mixed up with the events which form the
subject of this book. What appears certain from
the beginning is that he was introduced to Toulan
by a cousin of the latter, of the name of Ricard, and,
thanks to his patronage, Toulan gave him a situa-
tion in his office. Although Guy Ricard was not
so enterprising as his employer, whose friendship
he had won, he had a certain amount of courage,
even audacity ; he was called afterwards to give a
striking proof of this. Like Toulan, he was gifted
with a bright disposition and Gascon wit, and they
give a fresh and uncommon flavour to this episode.

He soon became aware of the transformation
which the opinions and general conduct of the
member of the Commune had undergone ; he
helped him on several occasions in the services
which Toulan rendered to the prisoners. It was
he — we shall henceforward call him Ricard — who
copied the letters which were smuggled in to the
^ Part IV., Chapter VI I.

THE CONSPIRACY 87

Royal Family, when they were somewhat long.
According to a witness, his very fine and clear
handwriting and his discreet zeal were most useful.^

Brought to the meetings which took place in
the Rue Saint- Jacques, he was informed of the con-
spiracy, and willingly accepted the part which was
marked out for him.

Meanwhile, in the intervals between the
meetings, the two commissioners used to go to the
Queen, inform her of what had been decided upon,
and take her advice. They availed themselves of the
opportunities afforded them by the reluctance of
their colleagues to be shut up at the Temple as
guardians, to offer themselves as substitutes as often
as possible, and they often succeeded in being
chosen to replace them.

In order to make sure that they should not be
separated, Toulan thought of the following ruse :
The commissioners were very often only three in
number. As soon as they met in the commissioners'
room they wrote an equal number of tickets, one
ot which was marked * Day,' and the others ought to
have borne the word * Night.' Instead of this
Toulan wrote the word * Day.' The tickets to be
drawn were then presented to the third commis-
sioner, and when he had drawn his, Toulan and
Lepltre threw their tickets into the fire without
looking at them, and each of them took up his
* Fragments, by Turgy, p. 352.

88 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

post. As they seldom came with the same com-
missioner their trick was always successful.^

When they had to talk to the princesses they
had other dangers to fear besides Tison and his wife.
The baby King was too young to be taken into
their confidence ; and the indiscretions of the boy,
either voluntary or unconscious, were very much to
be dreaded, for, although his reason was not above
that of his age, he was extremely inquisitive and
paid great attention to everything that was said.

The most minute precautions were taken with
regard to him ; yet they were useless, since it was he
who later wais to disclose the secret. The conspirators
always spoke in a low voice before him, and when-
ever there was to be a conference he was sent to
one of the turrets to play with his sister, Madame
Royale.^

Towards the end of February 1793 the con-
spirators had agreed on a plan ; and this is what had
been decided upon with regard to each one :

The Queen and Madame Elisabeth would
escape under a disguise, and, of course, the one
decided upon was the dress of a municipal
official. The commissioners who came to the
Temple were numerous, and they often came
without being called there on official duties.
With their scarves on they could go freely about.

^ Quelgues Souvenirs, by Lepttre, p. 32.

* National Record Office, W 290, dossier 261.

THE CONSPIRACY 89

It was, therefore, a wise plan to choose such a
disguise — all the more so that, as it was winter
time, the fugitives would be justified in wearing
a long wadded cloak over their uniform, which thus
concealed the figures of these singular Commune
oflficials from inquisitive glances, and made their
walk less suspicious.

As soon as this point was settled they began to
make the uniforms. It is most probable that
Madame de Jarjayes worked at them, as must have
done Toulan's wife and her cousin Ricard, who
seems to have known of the plot. The various
parts of those uniforms were brought to the Temple
by the two commissioners, who hid some in their
pockets, whilst they put on the others — which could
not be noticed under their long cloaks.^ The
question of hats was more diflScult to solve.
However, Toulan's imagination served him in this
circumstance ; he left his own hat in Madame
Elisabeth's room and went out bare-headed. Owing
to his caustic spirit and his unfailing coolness this
did not even raise the slightest suspicion in the
minds of the warders or sentries.

They were careful not to forget the scarves and
cards of entry, similar to those used by the members
of the Commune.

As for Princess Marie Th^rise, they devised the
following scheme :

^ Quelques Souvenirs^ by Lepttre, p. 34.

90 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Toulan, remembering the means by which he
had introduced Jaijayes into the Queen's apartment
early in that month, thought that he could employ
some similar method. The lamplighter did not
come alone to the Temple ; most often he brought
with him one or two of his children, and they helped
him in his work. Toulan thought of dressing
Madame Royale like one of them and making her
pass for one of the lamplighter's children.

The conspirators examined carefully their clothes
and prepared similar ones. The princess was to
put on a light garment, and over it a dirty pair of
trousers and a coarse carmagnole jacket. Thick
shoes, an old wig, and a shabby hat to cover the
hair were to complete her attire. Her face and
hands were to be in such a state as to deceive the
lookers-on. She was to be dressed in the turret
adjoining the Queen's room, where neither Tison
nor his wife ever entered.^

But the lamplighter could not be taken into their
confidence — even less than on the first occasion ;
they decided to make use of him without his
knowing it.

He used to come about half-past five and leave
long before seven. It was just about that time the
sentries were changed. It was the moment Ricard
was to choose — for it was his part — to come to the
Temple dressed as a lamplighter and holding a tin
^ Q^elques Souvenirs^ by Lepttre, p. 35.

THE CONSPIRACY 91

box in his hand. He was to go up to the Queen's
apartment and knock at the door. Toulan was to
open the door, and speaking harshly to the lamp-
lighter he was to find feult with him for coming so
late and sending one of his children in his stead to
do his work ; then he was to order the man to take
away the child, telling him at the same time to be
off at once, and Ricard was to do so quickly.

There remained the young King.

It is almost certain that the conspirators thought
of dressing him up like his sister and making him
pass for another child of the lamplighter. This
was not impossible ; however, the idea was given up,
most likely out of prudence. It was feared that
this would be too difficult a part for the child to
act. A cry, a gesture, the very look of his face
might betray him. Was it possible to leave the
security of so many people at the mercy of the
involuntary imprudence of such a young child ?

A better way to take the child out of the Temple
was soon found, and that thanks to a new accom-
plice — Turgy — whose faithfulness could be depended
on ; for it is only rendering justice to the men of
that period to record that, if fatality relentlessly beset
Marie Antoinette and her family, devotion was never
wanting when appealed to on her behalf.

92 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

CHAPTER VIII

August 13 at the Temple Gate — Ruse employed by Turgy to follow
the Royal Family — Services rendered — Secret Correspondence
— Easy Communications with the People outside — ^The young
King — He is to be Carried off in a Basket.

Whilst so many aristocratic families, so many men
on whom favours had been showered, were emi-
grating, anxious for nothing but their own safety,
humbler servants, taken haphazard from the house-
hold, gave tokens of the greatest and most courageous
devotion to their masters, who in some cases hardly
knew them.

Some of them equalled Turgy in those circum-
stances, but none surpassed him.

A mere kitchen boy, he had once before, at Ver-
sailles, saved the Queen's life during the October
days by opening the secret door of the private apart-
ments. After that he had come to. Paris and quietly
resumed his work.

He did not live at the Tuileries. On August 10,
going to meet peril, he came to the palace gate,
but could not get inside. He consoled himself
on hearing that the King had left the palace. On
the two following days he made several attempts

THE CONSPIRACY 93

to enter the Feuillants, but without better success.
When he heard that Louis XVI. was to be
taken to the Temple he hastened to M. Minard
de Chouzy, general steward of the King's house-
hold, in order, to obtain what he considered a
favour, leave to resume his service. M. M6nard
de Chouzy sent to the municipality for entrance
cards ; they were promised for the following day
— the 14th.

But these delays did not suit Turgy. He fore-
saw that when once the King was at the Temple
no one would be admitted there without being
thoroughly examined and undergoing formalities
which would not be in his favour.

He made up his mind to be daring. He and
two other kitchen boys, Chretien and Marchand,
came to the main entrance.

One of the commanding officers had just allowed
someone who had a card to pass, and Turgy had
recognised the man as being in the King's service.
Turgy asked the officer to allow him to speak to this
man, as he and his friends also belonged to the
service. At first the officer hesitated ; then he replied^
* Take hold of my arm ; let your comrades take
hold of yours, and I shall bring you in.'

They did as they were told, and thus entered the
Temple, where they joined the kitchen staff.

Every difficulty seemed to be smoothed over, and
yet it was not so. Two days later the Commune

94 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

officials came to inspect the household. Turgy was
questioned.

Far from being embarrassed, he coolly answered
that after inquiries had been made in the various
sections the Assembly committees gave him and his
comrades leave to resume their service. The com-
sioners retired without asking anything more.

But on the following day Chabot, the Deputy,
Santerre, the Commander-General, and BiUaud-
Varennes, who was then substitute to the Attorney-
General for the Commune, came in their turn to
make a list of the names of all persons who had
remained with the Royal Family. They asked
Turgy, Chretien, and Marchand if they had been
formerly in the King's household. Turgy answered
in the affirmative.

* Who was it that gave you admittance here ? '
exclaimed Chabot.

^ Potion and Manuel have granted us leave to
come, after having made inquiries in our own
sections,' replied Turgy coolly.

* In that case you must be good citizens. Remain
at your post, and the country will take better care of
you than the tyrant did.'

After they had gone Turgy was flattering him-
self on the success of his double stratagem, but his
comrades said with frightened looks —

* You want to bring death on us all. You tell
the municipal officers that we have been sent by

THE CONSPIRACY 95

the Assembly, and you tell the members that the
Commune sent us ! . . . We should indeed like to
be far from here.'

They stayed, however, and all three did their
best until October 1793, when they were finally dis-
missed from the Temple.^

Turgy was hardly settled at the Temple when he
endeavoured to make himself useful to the prisoners.
Taking advantage of moments when the super-
vision slackened, he very cleverly managed to esta-
blish for the benefit of the Queen and Madame
Elisabeth a system of signals which enabled him to
inform the prisoners of what was going on outside.

He did better stiU. Making a very ingenious
use of every opportunity, he often managed, either
in a passage or at a turn of the staircase, to replace
the paper cork of a water bottle by a note written
either with lemon juice or with an extract of gall-
Although eight or ten people were constandy
watching, hardly a day passed, during the fourteen
months he managed to stay at the Temple, with-
out the Royal Family receiving some such notes
through this means.^

As he was in charge of the supplying of pro-
visions it was easy for him to go out ; besides,
being carefiil always to give the commissioners and
the warders whatever they asked for when they

^ Fragments^ by Turgy, pp. 341-345.
* Ibid, pp. 348-350-

96 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

went to the kitchens, he was seldom searched when
entering or leaving the Temple. Thanks to his
clever precautions, he enjoyed real freedom.

From the very first he was informed by
Madame Elisabeth of what Toulan had said, and,
as his work brought him into daily intercourse with
the captives, he was at once introduced to the
municipal officer, who had to be more on his guard
than a servant, and the two met frequently in various
places.

The plan of escape could not be kept secret from
him. Soon, indeed, he was called upon to take part
in it. It was arranged that he should carry the young
King out of the Temple in a manner quite in
keeping with his usual occupation ; he was to carry
the child in a basket covered with serviettes.^

The royal child, who was barely eight years old,

* Fragments^ p. 360. In the work which Lepitre wrote con-
cerning the above episodes he does not mention Turgy. According
to his narrative, the young King and Madame Royale were to pass
for the lamplighter's children and both leave with Ricard. On the
contrary, in the Mdmoires he has left, Turgy clearly defines the
part he took in the conspiracy. He speaks of it in very clear
words ; besides, he takes good care to mention that this part of
his narrative was written from his own notes. This statement has
for us a character of authenticity and truthfulness which cannot be
cancelled by Lepitre's silence. One must not forget, indeed, that,
in spite of the part he attributes to himself in his Souvenirs^
Lepitre was never more than a supernumerary, and that the con-
spiracy was entirely arranged by Toulan and Jarjayes. They told
Lepitre what they chose to tell him. There was no reason why he
should know how the youthful King was to leave the Temple.

THE CONSPIRACY 97

was thin, miserable-looking, very light in weight,
and so short that he was not much more than three
feet two inches high. This we know from an in-
scription left by Marie Antoinette on the walls of
her prison—

* 27th of March, 1793 . . .

* Three feet two inches — i°*-o26/

Turgy gladly accepted his mission.

98 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

CHAPTER IX

Tison and his Wife had to be Baffled in their Watch — Spanish
Tobacco — A Narcotic — Leaving the Temple — The Queen and
Lepitre — Madame Royale and Ricard — The young King and
Turgy— Madame Elisabeth and Toulan — Rue de la Corderie
— The Three Cabs— Flight towards Havre— Amabert —
Chances of Success.

The fourfold departure from the Temple could be
accomplished only with the complicity, voluntary or
compulsory, of all to whom the Commune had
entrusted guardianship and watch over the Temple.
The two municipal officers Toulan and Lepitre being
the instigators of the plot, Tison and his wife were
the only two who had to be deceived, and from
whom all preparations for escape, as well as the
departure, would have to be concealed. How could
they be hoodwinked.^ How were those spies,
always on the look-out, to be prevented from over-
hearing anything ?

After many discussions, although the means
were distasteful to every one of the conspirators, it
was decided, owing to the urgency of the case, to
administer a powerful narcotic to Tison and his
wife, who would thus instantly fall fast asleep.

THE CONSPIRACY 99

Toulan, who was acquainted with their weakness for
Spanish snuiF, gave them plenty of it whilst he was
at the Temple. It was he who on the appointed
day was to mix the narcotic with the snuiF which he
was to offer them.

They were to take that pinch of snuif about half-
past six ; thus leaving a full hour, if not two, per-
fectly secure. As soon as the couple should have
fallen asleep, preparations for flight were to be begun.

First, the Queen with Lepltre would leave at
once, but not before. Out of charity, she had left
a note clearing the couple Tison of any participa-
tion in the flight. Darkness and disguise would help
the prisoners' departure. The guards were not to be
feared, as it was suflScient to show a card to the
sentries for them not to move ; besides, the tricolour
scarf would prevent any suspicion.

A few minutes after seven, just when the guard
was being changed, Ricard would, as previously
arranged, come to the gate with a card similar to
those of workmen coming to the Temple, and his
tin box on his arm. He was to meet Madame Royale
in disguise and leave with her.

Turgy was to go out carrying the basket in
which the little Prince lay hidden ; lastly Toulan,
who remained last, was to quit the tower with
Madame Elisabeth dressed as a municipal oflficer.

After having passed the outside gate and reached
the Rue du Temple all of them were to turn to the

H2

576559A

loo A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

left into the Rue de la Corderie,^ where M. de Jarjayes
would be waiting for them.

And now began the second part of the plan, the
departure from Paris after leaving the Temple.

They could not for one moment dream ot
staying in Paris ; indeed, it was most important that
they should quit the city as soon as possible, in
order to escape the dangers which would necessarily
arise from a stay there, however short. After
carefiil examination of the various directions which
might be followed, the flight to the eastern side of
France had been given up, both on account of the
distance and because fighting was going on on
the frontier. Flight to La Vendue was equally out
of the question, for it was too far away. Therefore
they had to fall back on the Normandy coast, as it
was easy of access, and thence a boat could very
easily carry the fugitives to England.

The necessary changes of horses had been arranged
as far as the sea. There, at a given point of the
coast close to Havre, M. de Jarjayes had a boat in
readiness, which his intimate friend Amabert, first
clerk of the Treasury, had put at his disposal.

The next question was discussed at great length :
it was the travelling point. Should they travel
together or separately ?

Lepltre was of opinion that they should remain

^ The name of the Rue de la Corderie has been changed into
that of Rue de Bretagne.

THE CONSPIRACY loi

together, and advised the prisoners to travel in a
large berlin with six seats, in which the Royal Family,
he, and Jarjayes would drive, whilst Toulan would
precede them on horseback, riding in front of them
as fast as he could.

He gave as a reason for his choice that not only
would they be all together, but a berlin would not
excite any more curiosity than would several cabs.
And then, they would not be parted ; while with
cabs, if an accident happened to one of them, it
might cause the loss of all the others.

Such reasons were certainly logical and not
without force. Yet the Queen would not hear of a
berlin ; the recollections of Varennes were still too
vivid in her mind ; and although circumstances
were quite different, nothing could prevail against
her idea. Thus they decided in favour of the three
cabs, which Jarjayes was to bring into the Rue de la
Corderie. In the first the Queen, her son, and the
Chevalier would take their places, in the second Marie
Th^rfese and Lepltre, whilst the third was to carry
Madame Elisabeth and Toulan. Ricard and Turgy
were to remain in Paris.

The day for putting the plan into execution was
fixed for the beginning of March, as Toulan and
Lepltre would then both be on duty at the Temple.

Such a plan, it is true, offered enormous diffi-
culties, but they were not insurmountable.

A few writers, not thoroughly acquainted with

I02 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

the plot, have called it chimerical and foolish. Such
an appreciation is due to imperfect knowledge, if
not to complete ignorance of the means the con-
spirators could make use of in order to ensure
success. It is sufficient to read them to be con-
vinced of this.

It is evident that a large share of the unknown
belongs to any plan of escape. There may be
hazardous circumstances, a thousand and one inci-
dents which cross life and sometimes alter it beyond
all expectation, without there being any possibility of
foreseeing or circumventing them. But beyond
the element of chance always attaching to plots of
such a nature, the one concocted by Toulan and
Jarjayes had a good chance of success, provided
the prisoners and their accomplices had as much
good fortune as they had boldness.

In the first place, the time was a propitious one.
Public curiosity and popular passions, which had
been busy with the King's trial and satisfied by his
death, were somewhat diverted from the Temple.
The prison now contained no one but women and
children. The captives had even won a certain
amount of pity : this was clear when, shortly after
her father's execution, news of Marie Th^rfese's
death had spread abroad, although the report was
soon acknowledged to be fklse.^

As for the Government, their attention was
^ Journal of Perlet,

THE CONSPIRACY 103

concentrated elsewhere. The Convention, already
undermined by intestine quarrels, was witnessing
the struggle between the 'Girondins* and the
* Montagnards,' and these disputes ceased only a
sufficient time for the deputies to deal with the
troops on the frontier, who were in want of men,
food, and money. The Commune had to provide
for the provisioning of Paris : this was no light task
for the members, who had rightly made it a first
and foremost question, though it was constantly
hindered by riots and rebellions.

In addition to the favourable circumstances
outside the Temple it must be observed that the
great number of people employed therein made
going backwards and forwards relatively easy.
Turgy, as has been seen, is very clear in his state-
ments on this point. In Marie Th^rfese's examina-
tion the fact that Toulan came often to the Temple,
even when oflT duty, is mentioned. It was these
frequent visits which enabled the Queen to exchange
so many letters with Jarjayes. Between the interior
and exterior of the Temple there was a constant
exchange of communications ; this allowed the
prisoners to pass unnoticed.

One must not forget that neither Toulan nor
Lepltre had yet been denounced, and that they
were not even suspected of conniving at the escape of
the Royal Family. As a proof of the cleverness
and success with which they had up to that day

I04 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

acted their parts it may be sufficient to remind the
reader that Michonis — who was also a member of
the Commune and a commissioner at the Temple,
the same man who was secretly devoted to the
X3ueen, and who twice renewed Toulan's endeavours
— mistrusted his colleague, regarding him as
a fierce republican, and it was only a few months
later that he heard the truth concerning Toulan.

Who, then, would have had any suspicion on
seeing municipal officials, with their scarves on,
walking in the dark, accompanied by patriots like
Toulan and Lepitre ? Unless there should be an
access or an excess of zeal, which was most improb-
able, on the part of the sentries and doorkeepers, it
was certain that the prisoners could come out from
the Temple.

Besides, one has only to remember another escape
far more difficult — that of the Royal Family when
they escaped from the Tuileries on June 20, 1 79 1 . It
was during a summer night, the shortest in the
whole year, when the sun sets after eight o'clock at
night and rises at four in the morning, that Louis
XVI., Marie Antoinette, the royal children, Madame
Elisabeth, Madame de Tourzel, and a few devoted
friends found means to baffie the close vigilance of
the National Guards who filled the palace ; and this
watch was more strict and more active than that of
the guards at the Temple, since the commissioners
were in collusion with the prisoners. It is a known

THE CONSPIRACY 105

fact that as soon as night had fallen at the Tuileries,
from 1789 to 1792, the King, Queen, and Madame
Elisabeth were shut up in their apartments. The
guardians used to lay a mattress on the floor across
the door, and the princes could not get out of their
rooms without stepping over the bodies of those
strange defenders of their country who had become
jailers.^

This was not all. Once out of the Tuileries the
prisoners had to flee in various groups through a
quarter where everyone knew them and could recog-
nise them. They were too many in number not
to attract attention everywhere ; and at that time the
palace was strictly watched, for rumours had been
spread at different times that the King had gone
away ; the people wished to retain their prisoner.
Moreover, they were to meet in the very centre of
Paris, pass through barriers, and proceed on their
flight in a berlin, which from its form, its size, and
the travellers it contained must attract attention, and
surely ran the risk of exciting suspicion even in the
most indiflTerent.

In spite of so many obstacles, and even, one
may say, blunders, the flight of the Royal Family
had been successful, and, indeed, never were so
many blunders accumulated in so short a time. It
was neither by an order nor even through a warning
from Paris that the King was arrested at Varennes.

^ Louis XVII^ by A. de Beauchesne, vol. i. pp. 87, 88.

io6 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Therefore the escape from the Temple, with the
help of Toulan and Lepltre, presented itself in a
much less unfavourable light. If another proof
be necessary, one has only to remember with what
facility M. de Jarjayes had freely entered and left
the Temple in the early days of February.

Outside the prison the flight as far as the coast
offered still fewer chances of failure. There was no
electricity, no steam in those days. The only means
of catching the fugitives was to run after them, and,
provided they had a few hours in advance, the suc-
cess of the chase was more than doubtftil. And this
was how matters stood. All precautions had been
taken, and Lepltre himself, in 'Les Souvenirs,'
which he has left concerning some of those episodes,
enumerates them complacently. The quotation
deserves to be given in full.

* Our dispositions were such that no one could
have started in pursuit of us sooner than five hours
after our departure. We had calculated everything.
First, the servants did not go up the tower before
nine o'clock to set the table and serve supper. The
Queen would have asked to have supper only at
half-past nine. They would have had to knock
several times at the door, and, being surprised at
getting no answer, they would question the sentry,
who, having been changed at nine o'clock, could not
know what had happened. Then they would have
been obliged to go down to the council room and

THE CONSPIRACY 107

inform the two other members of their surprise. After
this they would have to go up a second time with the
officers, knock again, and call the previous sentries,
from whom they could only gather very scanty infor-
mation. A locksmith would have to be sent for to
open the doors, the keys of which we should have
taken care to leave inside. It would take a long time
to open the doors, as one was of strong oak, covered
with large nails, and the second was made of iron.
Both had such strong locks that they would have had
to be smashed, or else a very large hole to be cut in
the main wall. After this the turret apartments
would have to be visited ; and Tison and his wife
might be strongly shaken without awakening
them. The servants would have again to go down
to the council room, write out a report, take it to
the Communal Council, which, supposing it was
not yet over, would have lost more time in futile
discussion. Lastly the police, the mayor, &c. would
have to be informed. . . . All these delays would
give us time to proceed on our flight. Our pass-
ports would be in order, as I was then president of
the Passport Committee, and could prepare them
myself. We were thus left in no uneasiness con-
cerning our journey so long as we kept well in
advance.'

io8 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

CHAPTER X

Lepitre's Tergiversations — His Fears — ^The Pretexts he gives for
Delaying the Execution of the Plan — JNo Time to be Lost —
The Queen's Endeavours to overcome his Faint-heartedness —
March i, 1793 — 'Filial Piety' — ^Hair firom the Queen, the
Little King, and Marie Th^r^se — ' Poco ama ch 'il morir teme '
— * Tutto per loro '—-The Cap knitted by Madame Elisabeth —
Outside Complications.

How could such a plan fail when it had been
arranged so carefully, so thoughtfully, and so
wisely ? Why should its execution be delayed
indefinitely, and finally given up after such careful
preparations ?

Here we must bring forward the faint-hearted-
ness of Lepltre.

Contrary to Toulan, Jarjayes, Ricard, and Turgy,
the unfortunate schoolmaster, who had been charmed
for a time by the grandeur of the plot, and later on
won over by the large sum which was offered him,
was not of a stamp to face the dangers pertaining to
such an adventure.

So long as it had only been a question of forming
a conspiracy, of concocting plans, and of holding
secret meetings, he had enjoyed mixing with the con-
spirators, and his quick and bold imagination traced

THE CONSPIRACY 109

before his eyes a splendid picture of the vicissitudes
and episodes of an action which reminded him of
his classical studies. Unfortunately he was not
only physically but also morally blind ; his unsettled
mind followed his imagination with difficulty.

As soon as he had to pass from theory into
action everything in him was changed. He was
seized with an excessive and exaggerated pru-
dence which was closely allied to fear. Trem-
bling, wavering, ashamed of his weakness, he
hesitated, and avoided action ; he never thought the
time a favourable one.

Every day he had a new reason for not acting,
demanded new delays under the most futile pre-
texts. If necessary he invented them. .Thus he
had promised the fugitives passports. Nothing
would have been so easy for him as to keep his
promise, yet he put it off from day to day, giving
as an excuse the dangers of the present time, the
riot, which had caused the sugar and coffise shops
to be pillaged in Paris, and had consequently put a
stop to passports being delivered, and obliged the
Government to close the town gates on February
25-28, 1793. He willingly forgot that by the
law of September 5, as well as by several others,
the gates could not be closed without an order from
the Convention, the penalty for doing so being
death ; and in fact, in spite of the uproar and threats
of the rioters, the General Council of the Commune

no A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

decided that, until the Convention had made known
its intentions on the subject, the gates should remain
open ; and they did remain open. As to passports,
the Council stated that it requested the Passport
Commissioners to be very careful in giving them.^
This could scarcely trouble Lepltre, as he was
president of the Commission.

In short, he seemed incapable of co-operating in
the bold attempt in which he had taken part in a
moment of thoughtless enthusiasm. He confesses
it in the first edition of his * Souvenirs,' which was
published in 1814, but bore no author's name.^
Always affected and classical when he expresses his
feelings, he speaks of himself and his weakness in the
following words : * ... I confess that I thought
with fear of the moment when the sacred deposit
for which I had to answer should be entrusted to
my care. I could almost have said, like iEneas,
when he leaves Troy —

* Ferimur per opaca locorum ;
£t me, quern dudum non uUa injecta movebant
Tela, neque adverso glomerati ex agmine Grail,
Nunc omnes tenrent aurse, sonus excitat omnis
Suspensum et pariter comitique onerique timentem.'

It is true that at a later period, when he was
introduced to the Duchesse d'Angoulfime, he very

^ Mimoires Historiques sur Louis XVII^ by Eckard, pp. 425-

427.

» P. 41.

' JElneidy book ii., lines 725-729.

THE CONSPIRACY iii

cleverly recalled the time of captivity, and made the
most of the services which he very nearly rendered
to the Royal Family. On being made a knight of
the Royal Order of the Legion d'Honneur, he
thought at once of writing out a list of the things
he had done. Hence came a second edition of his
* Souvenirs' in 1817. He struck out his unwise
confessions and turned to his glory all the episodes
of the conspiracy. But the first edition is still in
existence, and history makes use of it.

Marie Antoinette realised how the many delays
caused by the hesitation of this accomplice worked
against the success of their plan. As time went on
the chances were fewer. The longer they waited
the greater their risk of being discovered. The
Queen tried by all possible means to impart to
this man, * who was frightened at a shadow and afraid
of a whisper,' a little of the courage which she felt
to be so great, so impatient for action, in Toulan,
Jarjayes, Ricard, and even Turgy. She stung his
vanity ; she endeavoured to appeal to his heart.

She remembered the song which, early in Feb-
ruary, the schoolmaster had brought to her son.
Madame C16ry had adapted the words to some easy
music ; the young King learnt it, and on March i
the commissioner was present at a moving sight.
' Louis XVl.'s daughter was sitting at her clavecin ;
her royal mother was on a chair near her, holding
her son in her arms, and her eyes filled with tears.

1 12 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

She could hardly lead her children's voices. Madame
Elisabeth, standing at her sister's side, mingled her
sighs with the sad accents of her nephew.

'LA PIETE FILIALE.

' Eh quoi ! tu pleures, o ma mere !

Dans tes regards fix^s sur moi

Se peignent I'amour et Feffiroi :
J'y vois ton ime tout entifere.
Des maux que ton fils k soufferts

Pourquoi te retracer Timage ?

Lorsque ma m^re les partage,
Puis-je me plaindre de mes fers ?

' Des fers ! O Louis, ton courage

Les ennoblit en les portant.

Ton fils n'a plus, en cet instant,
Que tes vertus pour heritage.
Trdne, palais, pouvoirs, grandeur.

Tout a fui pour moi sur la terre,

Mais je suis aupr^s de ma mbre,
Je connais encor le bonheur !

* Un jour peut-etre . . . (respdrance .

Doit etre permise au malheur),

Un jour, en faisant son bonheur,
Je me vengerai de la France.
Un Dieu favorable k son fils

Bientdt calmera la tempete ;

L'orage qui courbe leur tete
Ne ddtruira jamais les lis.

' Hdas ! si du poids de nos chatnes
Le del daigne nous affranchir,
Nos coeurs doubleront leur plaisir
Par le souvenir de nos peines.

THE CONSPIRACY 113

Ton fils, plus heureux qu'aujourdliui,

Saura, dissipant tes alarmes,

Effacer la trace des lannes
Qu'en ces lieux tu versas pour lui !

*A MADAME ELISABETH.

' Et toi, dont les soins, la tendresse

Ont adouci tant de malheurs,

Ta r^ompense est dans les coeurs
Que tu formas k la sagesse.
Ah! souviens-toi des demiers voeux

Qu'en mourant exprima ton fr^re :

Reste toujours prfes de ma mfere,
Et ses enfants en auront deux ! ' ^

This was not all. The Queen gave to this indirect
flattery, which was destined to gratify the conceit of
an author, other encouragements, better calculated to
touch a Frenchman's heart. She gave to Lepltre
some hair of Louis XVL, her children, and Madame
Elisabeth ; she gave him also some of her own
hair, with the Italian motto, * Poco ama ch 'il morir
teme ' (They little love who fear to love.)

But all was in vain. The Professor felt flat-
tered, but his courage was not roused ; and, as
regards this, what a difference there was between
Toulan and Lepltre ! — the latter ascribed every-
thing to himself, the former thought always of
others.

Toulan, in fact, had received a present similar to
^ Quelques Souvenirs^ pp. 42, 43.

I

114 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Lepltre's. He had the locks of hair arranged in
the shape of sheaves on the cover of a box, one of
the sheaves falling and the other four straight up.
This was an allusion to the members of the Royal
Family, four of whom were still alive, and were to
owe him their lives and liberty. Under the sheaves
he wrote an inscription, the image of his soul,

* Tutto per loro * (everything for them). Lepltre, on
the contrary, bought a ring, in which he had the locks
placed separately. On one side he had engraved the
motto given by the Queen, which his conduct fully
justified ; on the other the following inscription :

* The hair in this ring was given on March 7, 1793,
to J. Fr. Lep. by the wi., chil., and sis. of L. de B.,
King of France.' In order to join caution with
vanity, and give satisfaction to both at the same
time, he carefully covered the inscription with a
movable gold cap.^

Madame Elisabeth joined her sister in her
efforts. She knitted with her own hands a cap
which she gave to Lepltre. Nevertheless, none of
these flattering and precious tokens could overcome
his fears, and the day was nearing when all the
delays he caused in the execution of the plan
completely ruined the chances of success, and when
the false pretexts he gave because he was afraid of
acting were destined to become too real and too
true.

^ Quelques Souvenirs^ p. 44.

THE CONSPIRACY 115

The state of universal stupor which had followed
Louis XVI.'s death had gradually died away. The
monarchical States of Europe had recovered from the
shock, and revolutionary France had rejoiced over
her triumph.

The struggle had begun again between the
two hostile forces. As early as the beginning of
March the foreign troops gained signal victories.
News reached Paris of the surrender of Aix-la-
Chapelle and the raising of the siege before Mae-
stricht ; then Dumouriez betrayed and surrendered
to the Prince of Coburg ; lastly there was a
rising in La Vendte.

To all such regrettable news were to be added
other evils. Poverty was on the increase in Paris ;
misery and famine threatened the city. Every day
new riots, new insurrections took place. The
working people were starving ; sufferings roused
their anger, and again they shouted, *Down with
the traitors ! Death to the Austrian woman ! *

This is the cry whenever the distress of the
people grows worse ; and now the prisoners at the
Temple are once more threatened with danger.

Precautions which had for a time been relaxed
were now again increased. Once more the captives
attracted attention, for they were the hostages of the
Revolution. The people were instinctively afraid that
attempts would be made to rob them of their prey.
Suspicion was aroused. The prisoners were watched

2 I

ii6 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

more closely than ever, especially the young Prince,
whom La Vendde, the emigrants, and foreign
monarchs had lately proclaimed King of France,
under the title of Louis XVIL

To take up the old plan, and to risk such an
adventure, had now become utter folly. Every
chance had gone, and failure was now certain.
Lepltre was the cause of it, and Toulan and Jarjayes
shudderingly acknowledged the feet.

117

CHAPTER XI

The New Plan of Toulan and Jarjayes — The Queen alone can
Escape—She Consents to it on Madame Elisabeth's earnest
Entreaties — The young King's Sleep — She Refuses — Letter to
Jarjayes.

Seeing the impossibility of putting into execution
the plan they had so fondly worked out, men
different from Toulan and Jarjayes might have
given up the idea of saving the Royal Family,
satisfied with the thought that they had done
their duty to its fullest extent. But those two
heroes did not belong to the class of indolent and
weak men who lose heart in the face of misfortunes,
and who stand still when they meet with an obstacle.

As brave as they were generous, they did not
believe that devotion had a right to remain barren.
Their first plan having become impracticable they
will throw it aside, but only to form another.

The first thing to ensure the success of this
second scheme was to leave out the man who
had been the stumbling-block in the previous
attempt. But Lepltre left aside, who was to take
his place ? Time was short, and how could
they open new negotiations with another commis-
sioner ? These were serious difficulties, and they

ii8 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

would occasion delays which, as they recurred,
would all the more surely ruin the few chances of
success which they still possessed.

But without the aid of Lepitre, how could they pro-
cure the necessary passports ? They could not dream
of obtaining any. On the other hand, supposing that
the Royal Family succeeded in leaving the Temple,
they would soon be arrested, for it was quite impossible
to suppose that such a large party could pass unnoticed.

But if they could not attempt to save four
persons, was it impossible to try to save at least
one ? Strictly speaking, it was not. The remaining
prisoners would screen and ensure the flight of that
one. And, bowing to necessity, Toulan and Jarjayes
arrived at this conclusion.

Whom were they to save ? Of course the one
marked out beforehand was the Queen. She alone
seemed to be actually threatened, and she alone
had energy and serenity of nature enough to help
the two daring conspirators.

They imparted only part of their project to
Marie Antoinette, but disclosed it fully to Madame
Elisabeth ; for they were aware that her help would
be required to persuade the Queen to flee alone —
to induce the mother to part with her children.

When they first spoke of it she manifested all
the resistance and the stubbornness which they had
expected to meet with. They certainly would not
have been able to overcome it without Madame

THE CONSPIRACY 119

Elisabeth ; but with her heartfelt eloquence, her
sweet persuasiveness, the authority which her virtues
and angelic resignation had given her, she insisted
again and again ! She pointed out to her sister that
she alone as Queen was in danger, and that the
repeated shouts of * Down with the Austrian woman ! *
made it her duty to think of her own safety. For
the sake of her children, for the interests of those
dear creatures who had already lost their father, she
owed it to herself to neglect no means of escaping
the hatred of the madmen who were demanding her
head. Would not the young King and the Princess
Royal find in their aunt a second mother, until Gk>d
in His mercy should bring them together again, but
this time outside a prison and in a more hospitable
and less cruel country ?

Then the Princess added that the Queen had
really no right to refuse Toulan and Jaijayes*
offer, nor to render such devotion barren. In short,
she succeeded in securing Marie Antoinette's con-
sent, and a day was fixed for the perilous attempt.

Louis XVI.'s daughter, who disliked dwelling on
these sad and painful recollections, has handed down
to history the narrative of what took place after-
wards — episodes of which she was the only surviving
witness. She entrusted M. de Beauchesne with the
story, and in his remarkable work *La Vie de Madame
Elisabeth ' he relates it in the following words : — ^
» P. 114 ff.

I20 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

*The day was fixed, and it came. . . . The
night before, both mother and aunt were sitting at
the bedside of the young Prince, who was asleep.
His sister had also gone to bed, but her bedroom
door was open, and Marie Thdrfese, worried by the
sad and thoughtful look which she had noticed on
her mother's face all day long, had not fallen asleep.
Thus it was that she overheard the words which she
repeated later. Marie Antoinette, having agreed
to make the sacrifice which was demanded of her,
was sitting near her son's bed.

< " May God grant that this child may be happy ! "
she said.

*"He will be, dear sister," answered Madame
Elisabeth, showing to the Queen the Dauphin's
sweet but proud face.

*" Youth as well as joy is of short duration,"
murmured Marie Antoinette, with a pang at her
heart. "Happiness, like everything else, has an
end ! "

* Then she rose and walked a few steps in her
room, saying —

*"And you, my good sister, when and how
shall I see you again ? ... It is impossible ! It is
impossible ! "

* Young Marie Thdrfese heard these words, but
it was only later on that her aunt explained to her
their meaning. The Queen's exclamation meant
nothing less than the rejection of the means which

THE CONSPIRACY 121

were ofFered for her safety. She had made
up her mind. Her love for her children was
stronger than any other consideration — than her
sister's entreaties, or her instinct of self-preser-
vation — stronger even than the promise she had made
to her brave friends. But she reproached herself
as a perjurer on account of the promise she had
given, and could no longer keep ; she felt that she
was bound to give explanations and to apologise to
those two generous hearts who were bent on risking
their own security for her sake ; so that as soon as
she could speak to Toulan, on the following day,
when he came, excited because of the grand act he
was on the point of performing —

* " You will be angry with me," she said, " but
I have thought it over. Here there is nothing but
danger ; death is preferable to remorse." . . .

* During the course of the day she found an
opportunity for whispering to Toulan the following
words :

* " I shall die unhappy if I cannot give you a
proof of my gratitude."

* " And I also, Madame, if I have not been able
to show you my devotion."

* They had yet to inform Jarjayes. The Queen
sent him a note through Toulan. She told the
Chevalier of her resolution in words full of touch-
ing simplicity and admirable courage :

* " We have had a beautifixl dream, that is all ; but

122 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

we have gained much by it, because we found in it
renewed proof of your devotion to me. My trust
in you is boundless, and on every occasion you will
find high spirit and courage in me ; but my son's
interest is my only guide ; and whatever joy I might
have felt at being far hence, I cannot consent to
part with him. However, in all that you have
written to me I recognise your affection. Be assured
that I realise the excellence of your reasons for
acting in my behalf, and also that we may not again
have such an opportunity ; but I could not enjoy
anythihg when leaving my children behind, and I
regret nothing." ' ^

The sacrifice was consummated. The Queen
could not anticipate that at a later period other
schemes would be formed for setting her at liberty.
We are certainly entitled to say that when she refused
to follow the Chevalier de Jarjayes and Toulan she
willingly threw away a supreme chance of escape.

She proved herself to be really strong-minded
and truly great. She responded to her friends'
devotion by self-sacrifice. Death could now over-
take her ; but death alone, and not flight, would part
her from her children.

Before such grandeur of heart politics and pas-
sions must be silent. This grandeur cannot be
denied ; it would be unjust not to acknowledge it.

^ The original of this letter was given in 1873 to the Comte de
Chambord. I cannot say in whose hands it now is.

Part III
THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI

125

CHAPTER I

The Ring and Seal of the Kxag^Proch-verbal of the Commune
—Sequestration of Cl^ry — Audacious Abduction accomplished
by Toulan.

The Queen's refusal rendered purposeless and
useless the presence of Jarjayes in Paris. For all
that, it did not cease to be less perilous, for the
recollection of the offices he had filled, and the
missions with which he had been entrusted, especially
with Barnave, who was now in prison, were not
forgotten, and he might be denounced by mere
chance. Marie Antoinette decided to make him
leave Paris while there was still time, and she
thought she might take advantage of his departure
to ask him for a last service and entrust him with a
last mission which she had at heart.

She wanted to send out of France and to place in
sure hands the few things which had belonged to
the King, and which she considered as both sou-
venirs and relics.

The manner in which these objects had come
into her hands after so many vicissitudes shows once
more what boldness can achieve in the most dan-
gerous and difficult situations.

126 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

After he had been sentenced, and at the time
when any respite had been reftised him, Louis XVI.
had, on January 20, an interview with his wife and
family ; he also promised to see them again on the
following day, a few hours before his execution.

The last interview had, however, not taken
place. Anxious to spare his relatives the fiightful
anguish of a last parting, Louis had gone to the
scaffold without seeing them again. But he had
requested Cldry to hand to the Queen a few things
which he valued highly for various reasons, and
which death alone could induce him to part with.
These were his wedding ring, his seal, and a small
packet containing the hair of the Queen, Madame
Elisabeth, Marie Th^rfese, and the Dauphin.

Cldry, being specially attached to the late King's
service, had no intercourse with the other prisoners
at the Temple ; it was, therefore, not possible for
him to fulfil his mission directly, and he was obliged
to report to the Commune.

The General Council of the Commune, suspicious
and tyrannical, reftised to allow the King's last wish
to be ftilfilled, and it stopped the objects on their
way, as must be concluded from the deliberation
entered on the registers of the Temple Council on
January 21, 1793. We give an extract from it.

* General Council of the Commune of January 21.
* Appeared before us Citizen Cl^ry, Groom of

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVL 127

the Chamber to Louis Capet, who asked to make a
declaration of the objects which had been entrusted
to him this morning by Louis Capet, before several
commissioners who have borne witness to it ; those
objects are a gold ring, inside which are engraved
the letters * M.A.A.A., 19 Aprilis, 1770,'^ and he
requested the said ring to be given to his wife,
saying that he was grieved at parting with them.
Again, a watch seal in silver, opening in three parts :
on one the arms of France are engraved, on the
other L L, and on the third a child's head with a
helmet. The said seal he requested to be handed
over to his son. Lastly, a small piece of paper on
which is written in Louis Capet's own hand, ' Hair
of my wife, sister, and children.' It contained indeed
four little packets of hair which he requested Cldry
to give to his wife, and to tell her that he was
sorry he had not asked her to come down that
morning, as he wished to spare her the grief of such
a cruel parting.

*The Council, deliberating on the request ot
Citizen Cldry, has left him guardian of these objects
until another decision shall have been taken by the
General Council of the Commune, to which the
question will be referred.' ^

* * Marie Antoinette, Archduchess of Austria, April 19, 1770,'
the day on which the ring was presented and Louis XVI. married to
this princess.

' Journal of Perlety vol. ii. pp. 437, 438.

128 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

C16ry remained at the Temple more than a month
after this, and kept his trust all the more carefully
that the Commune had, so to speak, imprisoned
him, not allowing him to communicate with any-
body. When he left on March i^ the commis-
sioners obliged him to produce them again. The
seals were affixed on them, as well as to several
articles of clothing which the King had worn.^
They were deposited in the room which they used
for their meetings, on the ground floor of the
Temple. Toulan saw them and mentioned them to
the Queen.

At that time the plot for the deliverance of the
prisoners was very nearly completed, and, thanks to
the measures which had been taken and the prepara-
tions which had been made, as well as to the political
situation, there was a probability, if not a certainty,
of success. The Queen could not bear the idiea of
going whilst leaving in the hands of the Commune
those things which she regarded as at once personal
souvenirs and royal attributes. She spoke of it
to Toulan, and expressed her wish to recover
possession of those things which she considered as
having been stolen from her, and as for many
reasons rightfully belonging to her.

^ Sitting of February 28, Paris Commune. The General Council
rules that Citizen C16ry shall leave the Temple within twenty-four
hours. (A. de Beauchesne.)

» Eckard, p. 153.

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 129

Always naturally heroic, in order to obey
Marie Antoinette's least wishes, Toulan foiled
his colleagues' watch, broke the seals, untied the
parcel which contained the ring, seal, and hair, took
them out, and gave them to the Queen.

He was thus risking his life. No doubt the Com-
mune would have severely punished the audacious
man who thus defied its authority. Had he been
discovered, death on the scaffold would have been
his fate.

His danger was great, for as soon as they dis-
covered the robbery the municipal officers felt very un-
easy at the disappearance of the royal souvenirs. But
Toulan had been so clever that he was not even sus-
pected. The excitement subsided ; and as the seal,
bearing the arms of France, had a gold setting, the
commissioners presumed that it had tempted a
common thief — for all kinds of people came every
day to the Temple.^ Looked at in that light, the
robbery was no longer a crime against the safety of
the State, and so lost all its gravity. Silence was
kept as to this incident, and the affair had no after-
consequences.'

^ Ricits des Ev/nements arrives au Temple^ p. 33.

' M. L^n Lecestre, in his remarkable article on ' Les Tentatives
d'Evasion de la Reine Marie- Antoinette,' published in April 1886 in
the Revue des Questions Historiques^ places Toulan's act on the day
following the King's death. The documents and authorities I have
quoted contradict this opinion and leave no doubt with regard to
the date which I have given. Messieurs Ed. and J. de Goncourt,

K

130 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

in their HisMre de Marie-AniainetU (p. 413, ed. of 1884X say
that ' Toulan had broken the seals, substituted similar objects, and
replaced the seals.' They give no authority for their assertion ; ana
the narrative of events left by Madame Royale entirely discoun-
tenance their opinion. Moreover, how could Toulan have got,
made, or obtained ' similar things ' in so short a time, since, as long
as they were in Gary's hands — from January 21 to March i — he
never parted with them, nor did he show them to anybody belong-
ing to the Queen's entourage^ A passage in his Mimoires -wXi
prove this to the reader : see Journal du Temple^ by Cl^ry,
1 8 16, p. 194. The testimony of Turgy must also be taken into
account. ' Cl^ry,' he writes, 'remained more than a month longer
at the Temple, but he could not communicate with us ' (p. 359}.

131

CHAPTER II

The Queen sends the Articles to Jarjayes through Toulan— Letter
sent with Them — The Chevalier's Double Mission — At
Brussels— A Friend of the Queen, le Comte Jean Axel dc
Fersen — His Journey to Paris in February 1792 — At Hamm
— ^The King's Brother — Old Souvenirs— Prejudice and Fears
— The Emperor Francis 11. — The Queen's Debts — Septeuil,
Ex-Treasurer of the Civil List — Letters from Marie Antoinette,
Madame Elisabeth, and the Royal Children to le Comte de
Provence and le Comte d'Artois — Last Letter from Marie
Antoinette to M. de Jarjayes — * Good-bye.'

After she had given up all idea of flight the Queen
surveyed the situation without despair, but also
without delusion. When would she be free ?
Would she ever be so ? And if she should ever be
free, after what vicissitudes and trials ? The future
being so insecure, she thought of putting her
husband's relics out of reach of her tormentors. It
was then that she bethought herself of Jarjayes,
whose blind devotion wished only for opportunities
of exercising itself in her service. This plan had
another advantage: it ensured the Chevalier's security.
Toulan, as usual, was the medium. ' From the
turn events are taking,' the Queen said to him, * I
may expect at any moment to be prevented from
communicating with anyone. Here are the ring,

K2

132 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

seal, and packet of hair for the recovery of which I
am indebted to you. I request you will leave them
in M. de Jarjayes' hands, and ask him to forward
them to Monsieur and le Comte d'Artois, as well
as the letters which my sister and I have written to
our brothers.* ^

The note which she sent on this occasion to
the Chevalier has never yet been published. It is
valuable from many points of view, for it contains,
so to speak, several dispositions, which open new
horizons with regard to Marie Antoinette's feelings,
or else confirm what we already knew of them.
Moreover, the people mentioned in it are named by
initials or are referred to by facts known only to the
Queen and Jarjayes. It seemed at one time that this
letter was an enigma, the key of which could not be
found. However, thanks to documents which have
been published lately, and thanks to the knowledge
we now have of that period, the problem is no longer
incapable of solution.

Thi,s is the text of the letter, a facsimile of the
original of which is annexed : —

' T [Toulan] will give you the things for

ha . . . The stamp I enclose is quite another thing.
I wish you would give it to the person who you
know came from Brussels last winter to see me ;
and at the same time you will tell him that never
was the motto more true.

* La Vie de Madame Elisabethy by A. de Beauchesne, p. 1 16.

\ AST/ 3 r^ I > ^' ** / a:- ^

j,^.^^ it^^«^ cy^Otn;^

I>UBi,iO

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 133

* If you are not pleased with h ... go and see
my nephew on my behalf. You can also, if you like,
see Septeuil, who, I am told, has been in London
since August, and, if you require it, ask him for
what you have paid for us here. He knows what
confidence I have in your wife. I suppose he must
know you also, but, if necessary, you may show him
this, and tell him what you have done for us. He
is too devoted to us not to value it ; besides, I take
it upon myself to repay him what he shall give you,
and, if necessary, I make it a personal matter.*

In the margin, crosswise, are the words, 'TeU
me what you think of what is going on here.*

Let us see first who was ' the person who came
from Brussels last winter * to see the Queen. * Last
winter' meant the winter of 1792, as this note was
written in March, and the winter of the year 1793
was not yet over. Besides, the Queen had been a
prisoner at the Temple for the last eight months, and
was not able to see any of her old friends save Jar-
jayes. Who, then, at that time, had come from
Brussels to Paris ? The indication given appears at
first to be very vague, but consideration soon narrows
the circle of research. Since the Queen was sending
a stamp with a motto it could only be to someone
with whom she was intimate ; and when one recalls
the people who were in Marie Antoinette's intimacy
their names are very few.

First on the list comes le Comte de Fersen.

134 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

He was really, as viriU be seen, the addressee of the
* stamp.' But first it is advisable to give some
biographical information in regard to this person.

Jean Axel de Fersen was a Swedish gentleman,
belonging to a great family. His father sent him
abroad at an early age ; he came to France for the
first time in 1774. He was at once struck with the
beauty and grace of the Princess, who at that time
was only Dauphiness. At his second journey, in
1779, he fell in love with the lady who had become
Queen of France. His passion was a noble and
chivalrous one.

Whether it was to put a stop to backbiting, which
credited him with a love-affair with royalty, or whether
it was to free himself from a passion which he was
afraid would master him, he left soon after to go
and join, under Rochambeau's command, the North
Americans in their fight against England during the
War of Independence.

In the month of June 1783 he returned with the
French troops to France, and was made a colonel in
the Royal Su6dois, still remaining a colonel in his
own country. These double duties obliged him to
divide his time between France and Sweden. But
wherever he went, even in the North, he was
reminded of Marie Antoinette, for Gustavus III.
was one of her most fervent admirers.

Fersen was at the Queen's side during the October
days of 1789, ready to defend her against the rioters.

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 135

He it was who prepared the flight from the Tuileries,
and who, under the disguise of a cabdriver, drove the
Royal Family from the palace to Bondy. There he
left them to go to Belgium, where he was grieved
to hear of the arrest of the fugitives at Varennes.

From that time he determined that he would
do all in his power to save the Queen of France,
and entirely devoted himself to this work. From
Brussels, where he had settled, he entered into
negotiations throughout Europe. He also wrote
frequently to Marie Antoinette.

The part he had taken in the flight to Varennes
had been divulged, and he had been forbidden to
return to France. Yet the grief he felt at not seeing
the Queen any more urged him to come back, in
spite of the dangers his journey might oflFer. At
first Marie Antoinette refused, then she consented.
He entered in his diary under the date of January 21,
1792 : *The Queen has agreed to my going to
Paris.'

On the 29th he received another letter, in which
she begged him to defer his journey until the decree
on passports should have been passed and quietness
re-established in Paris. On February 3 she declared
that his journey was impossible and he must give it
up. Yet he did not obey, and on the 6th he decided
to go. On the i ith he disguised himself and started.
Travelling under a false name, he arrived in the
capital on the 13th. He saw the Queen the same

136 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

day, as will be seen from a note in his diary :
* Called on the Queen ; went my usual way ; fright
of the National Guards ; not seen the King/

Afterwards he had long conferences with Louis
XVI., as well as with Marie Antoinette, and started on
the 2 1 St, at midnight, for Brussels, where he arrived
on the 24th. He was stopped on his way several
times, and very narrowly escaped being found out.^

His activity kept pace with the dangers which
were increasing in France ; yet this was all in vain,
as he met with a good deal of indifference and ill-
will. His correspondence with the Queen was
interrupted by her imprisonment at the Temple.
,It is clear that he fully deserved she should
remember him.

Through a strange coincidence, he wrote to her,
just about the time of her transfer to the Temple, a
letter frill of advice with regard to her deliverance.
This letter did not reach its destination. He knew
nothing of the Chevalier's mission, and it was only
a little later on that he received the souvenir which
Marie Antoinette had sent him.

The second mission consisted in handing over to
ha . . . 'the things fixed upon.' The two letters
were the beginning of the name Hamm, and
stood for this town, the residence of Monsieur,
Comte de Provence. It was indeed from Hamm, a

' Le Comte de Fersen et la Cour de France^ vol. ii. p. 3 and
onwards.

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 137

small town in Westphalia, that a few days after
January 21 this Prince dated his solemn protest
against the Revolution, in which protest he had
claimed the Regency for himself, thus disregarding
the Queen's rights. This Regency was, however,
purely theoretical ; it had no effect save at foreign
G>urts, and could have no other result than that
of efikcing Marie Antoinette's personality in the
eyes of monarchical Europe; yet she remained
first and foremost in those of revolutionary France.

By the word * ha ' the Queen meant the Comte
de Provence as well as her other brother-in-law, the
Comte d'Artois. Toulan was to explain those
orders vivd voccy and tell the Chevalier that the seal
and the hair were for the Comte de Provence, whilst
the wedding ring was for the Comte d'Artois.

It was quite natural that the Queen should send
these things to the Princes of the Blood, as they
were the chiefs next to the captive Louis XVII.,
and it was also a flattering mark of attention to them.

The letter, however, did not fail to betray
fears concerning the reception M. de Jarjayes would
receive. * If you are not pleased with h . . .' the
Queen writes a little further on. At this point she
recollects that her friends are not the friends of her
brother-in-law, and she remembers the differences in
regard to her between the King and his brothers.

The Comte de Provence's behaviour had been
most reprehensible. He had acted as her worst

138 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

enemy. She was aware that if the people hated her,
if she was so unpopular, it was due to the calumnies
which this backbiting Prince had so wantonly uttered.
Even the Revolution and the misfortunes of the
Royal Family had failed to bring back the erring
Prince to better feelings ; and history has handed
down to us the too just grievances of the slandered
Queen. As a proof of this it is sufficient to quote
some passages of a letter which she wrote on Oct. 31,
1 79 1. * Monsieur's letter to the Baron [de Breteuil]
surprised and greatly offended us, but we must
be patient and not show too much ill-temper just
now ; nevertheless I shall copy it, in order to show
it to my sister. I should like very much to know
how she will explain it in the midst of what is going
on. Our house is infernal ; we cannot say the least
thing, even with the best intentions in the world.
... I see that Monsieur will be entirely led astray by
the ambition of the people around him ; at first he
thought that he was everything, but whatever he
does he will never be prominent. ... It is most un-
fortunate that Monsieur did not return at once after
our arrest ; ^ he would then have followed the course
which he had always said he would of never leaving
us.' 2

Moreover, the Princes had made their own cause
one with that of emigration, and the emigrants had

* At Varennes.

' Le Comte de Fersen et la Cour de France^ vd. ii. p. 207.

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 139

been the greatest source of misfortune for both the
King and Queen, who had remained in France. * The
follies of the Princes as well as of the emigrants have
forced us to act as we have done,' the Queen
wrote on September 26, 1791.^ ^ We still owe this
cruel persecution to Coblentz and the emigrants'
(November 7).^ ^ This step [the return of M. de
Mercy] would excite still more the emigrants' rage
against the Emperor and myself.' ^

Not knowing whether the Prince had retained
against herself or her envoy any of his old pre-
judices, she therefore advised the Chevalier, in case
he did not receive a suitable reception, to go to her
nephew Francis IL, who had been made Emperor of
Germany in 1792.

But her doubts, which arose from the recollection
of too real grievances, which she confided to Jarjayes
alone, could not prevent the Queen from sending to
her husband's brother tokens of an affection which
was intensified by misfortunes. It was like a
generous pardon that she was 'sending from her
prison to the exile.

The whole Royal Family took advantage of this
opportunity, which might be the last, of exchanging
a few sad and aflfectionate remembrances with those
who, more fortunate than they, were for away from
the storm.

* Le Comte de Fersen et la Cour de France^ vol. ii.

• IMd. p. 213, » IbuL p. 36S.

HO A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

The Queen wrote to the Comte dc Provence —

^Having a faithful subject on whom we can
depend, I take this opportunity of sending to my
brother and friend a packet which can be trusted
to no other hands than his. The bearer will tell
you by what miracle we were able to recover these
precious souvenirs. I reserve to myself the plea-
sure of telling you one day the name of him who
is so useful to us. The impossibility in which we have
found ourselves until now of sending you news of
ourselves and the excessive misfortunes we have
undergone cause us to feel our cruel separation much
more keenly. May it not last long ! In the mean-
time I kiss you as tenderly as I love you, and you
know I do so with all my heart.

*M. A.'

Marie Th6rfese also sent a few lines to her
uncle, and the young Prince added his signature to
the note in a very unskilled hand : —

^ I am charged for my brother and myself to kiss

you with all our hearts.

' M. T., Louis.'

Madame Elisabeth added to the preceding the
following note : —

* I enjoy beforehand the pleasure which you will
experience in receiving this token of friendship and
confidence. All I wish is to join you and see you

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 141

happy. You know how much I love you ; I kiss
you with all my heart'

^E. M/

The wedding ring, which was intended for the
Comte d'Artois, was forwarded to him with the two
following letters : —

From the Queen :

* Having found means to entrust our brother
with one of the few tokens which remain to us of
him whom we all loved, and whose loss we deplore,
I thought you would be very glad to have some-
thing coming from him. Keep it as a token of my
tenderest friendship. I kiss you with all my heart.'

As to Madame Elisabeth, the deep affection which
she had for this brother, who was her favourite,
fills her letter ; with the most perfect sincerity
this admirable Princess, forgetting herself entirely,
speaks only of the sufferings she experiences from
seeing her relatives unhappy ; she thinks of the
future only in order to prepare herself for new acts
of devotion.

^ How happy I feel, my dear friend, my brother,
to be able, after such a long lapse of time, to express
my feelings to you. How much I have suffered for
you. I trust the time will come when I shall be
able to kiss you and tell you that you will never

142 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

find a truer or more affectionate friend than I. I
hope you do not doubt it ? ' ^

She also entrusted the Chevalier with a mission
to her eldest sister, Princess Clotilde, who had
married the Prince of Piedmont, the son and heir
presumptive to the King of Sardinia.

This mission decided Jarjayes to leave France
for the South, and he prepared to start for Turin in
the course of April 1793.

The Chevalier found himself in very reduced
circumstances, owing to the enormous sums he had
spent in his devotion to the Queen. She had set
her heart upon clearing herself of the money debt,
wishing only to keep the debt of gratitude, and she
advised Jarjayes to go to see M. Septeuil, who, in
more fortunate times, filled at Court a post of
confidence, that of Treasurer of the Civil List, and
who, like most of those who had received the
greatest kindness from monarchy, had not hesitated
to ensure his security by setding abroad.

Madame de Septeuil had been arrested in
August 1792, with most of the ladies of the
Queen's household. As soon as she was set at
liberty — that is, a few weeks later ^ — her husband

1 Mimoires Historiques sur Louts XVIIyhy Eckard, pp. 478, 479.

' List of persons who were prisoners at La Force on August
30^ 1792 ^ . . Angdique Euphrasie Peignon, wife of M. de
Septeuil, aged 21^, sent to this prison to be detained there until
further orders. . . . She was set free on September 3* (A. de
Beauchesne).

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 143

hastened to take her to England, a quieter and
safer country.^

It was very difficult for Jarjayes to go to
London, especially as the object of his journey
necessarily took him in quite a different direction.
But he thought of nothing but his duty, and as soon
as he had received his last instructions he started.

It was not without a terrible pang that Marie
Antoinette saw such a faithful friend go ; for she
had been in almost daily correspondence with him
for the last two months : during those few weeks
his existence had been almost one with hers, thanks
to the community of their thoughts, their hopes,
and their sorrows. She sent the General a very
touching farewell, the last line of which betrays
the grief of a woman who feels the weight of the
misfortunes hanging over her, and anticipates a
frightful and implacable destiny.

^ M. de Septeuil was the cause of one of the worst accusations
directed against Louis XVI. During his trial the King was examined
on the subject of the monopoly of com, food, &c. ' Have you not
authorised M. Septeuil to start as a com, sugar, and coffee merchant
at Hamburg and in other cities ? This fact is proved by letters
from Septeuil.' What was proved in reality was the trade carried on
by Septeuil, and not the participation nor the authorisation of the
King. He was not acquainted with SepteuiFs doings. When the
latter heard of the charge he wrote from London a letter in which
he stated that his purchases had nothing to do with the King, and
were entirely confined to the private speculations of a company in
which he himself and a few friends of his had invested money.
{M/maires Particuliers de A, F, de Bertrand-MolevilUy vol. ii. pp.
366 and 372). The accusers refused to believe him.

144 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Toulan could not fail to be the Queen's mes-
senger. It was he who took this last note to
Jaijayes : ^

* Good-bye 1 I consider that, if you have quite
decided to go, the sooner you do so the better.

Oh ! how I pity your poor wife ! T

[Toulan] will tell you of the formal promise I make to
give her back to you if it be possible for me to do so.

^ How happy I should be if we could soon meet
together again ! I never can be grateful enough
for all you have done for us.

* Good-bye 1 — this is a cruel word.'

^ Le Comte de Fersen et la Cour de France^ toL ii. p. 408.

H5

CHAPTER III

M. de Jarjayes' Departure — M. de Joly — Madame de Jarjayes
remains in Paris — Dangers which she runs — M. de
Jarjayes at Turin — The Court of Sardinia — The Emigrants*
Talk about the Chevalier — Le Comte de Provence's
Message — Surprise of this Prince — Letter of Thanks— The
Queen is not informed of the Success of the Mission —
Madame Royale's Narrative — Cl^ry at Blankenberg.

Having decided to go, Jarjayes had left Paris very
suddenly, taking with him only the necessary
luggage to go to Turin. A friend of his, M. de
Joly, whom he had called to the War Dep6t when
he was at the head of it, was his only companion
on that journey. The Queen had requested that
Madame de Jarjayes should remain in Paris, that she
might have there a sure friend, and be able to maintain
communications with the outside, thanks to her and
Toulan. The grief of parting with his wife in-
creased Jarjayes' sadness at having to leave ; he did
so, indeed, with a very anxious mind.

Beyond the Royal Family, concerning whose
destiny neither his intellect nor experience allowed
him to entertain the slightest delusion, he was
frightened at the dangers his wife was running by
remaining in Paris.

146 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR
/

In fact, Madame dc Jarjayes had not been left in
ignorance of the projects and attempts made by her
husband ; and should the part played both by the
Chevalier and Toulan be either divulged or
discovered — and this was within the scope of
possibility — she would certainly have to endure the
reprisals which would not fail to be made upon
those who were devoted to the Royal Family. Her
situation at Court, her office as lady-in-waiting to the
Queen, would be for her the cause of irremediable
loss. Events very nearly caused his gloomy fore-
bodings to be realised.

Jarjayes, however, had started, taking with him
the dear and precious souvenirs which he was to give
to the brothers and sister of Louis XVI. He and
his fellow traveller were lucky enough to escape the
perils which their route offered : they crossed the
whole of France without accident, and reached
Piedmont safely towards the middle of April 1793.

The Sardinian Royal Family was allied to the
French Royal Family by many marriage bonds : the
Comte de Provence had married Marie Josephine
Louise de Savoie ; the Comte d'Artois, her sister,
Marie Th6rfese de Savoie. In 1777 the Prince of
Piedmont, heir to the throne, had married the
Princess Clotilde, sister to Louis XVI., the same
Princess who was familiarly called Gros-Madame, on
account of her stoutness.

The reigning King was Victor Amadeus III.

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 147

The scene which took place between him and his
people after January 2 1 shows a very strange state of
mind both in the Prince and among his subjects ; it
is worth while, for this reason, to relate the episode.

As soon as the King of Sardinia heard of
Louis XVI.'s death he showed signs of the deepest
grief, lifting up his hands to heaven and saying
that if his subjects were desirous of adopting the
French laws he was ready to relinquish his throne ;
and in his sadness he abdicated there and then.
The people, who apparently accept abdications only
when they have demanded them, refused that of
Victor Amadeus, exclaiming, * No ! no ! Long live
our good King 1 ' At the same time they begged
of him that he would resume his power and receive
a new oath of fidelity. He agreed, and was carried
in triumph to his palace.^

The Chevalier could only expect a great recep-
tion from such a Court. He was, indeed, admirably
received at Turin, The news which he brought,
the stories he told, struck the King so vividly that
he took him into his service and refiised to let
him go.

M. de Jarjayes, who, as well as his friend M. de
Joly, had come to the end of his resources, was glad
to find a situation which would enable him to live
until better days should come. He accepted the
King's oflfer. He had, however, another mission to
* Mimoires Historiques sur Louis XVII^ by Eckard, p. 418.

L2

148 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

fulfil, and, in order to ease the Chevalier's conscience,
Victor Amadcus III. undertook to forward to the
Comte dc Provence through a special envoy the
messages of the Temple prisoners.

Beyond the money question, which was not
to be disregarded — for it sensibly increased the
difficulties to be met with in going from Turin
to Hamm — the Chevalier was not at all anxious
to see the Comte de Provence personally.

He felt apprehensions with regard to the recep-
tion which was in store for him. Jaijayes was
then nearly fifty, and during his life — a well em-
ployed one up to that day — he had learned to judge
men and the world. He was aware that he had
made some jealous and others enemies.

He was, indeed, far from being appreciated by all
the Royalists as he was by his sovereigns. During
the months preceding August lo he had very often
contradicted at the Tuileries the speeches of zealous
but short-sighted persons, and he had not concealed
from anyone his too reasonable fears. This is why
a certain number of people who were shocked at his
plain speaking accused him as early as that period ot
having embraced constitutional principles^ and
joined the enemies of Royal authority.

His persistence in staying in France had been
wrongly interpreted by those who had thought fit to
cross the frontier, and it had given rise to fresh

^ Mimoiru de Madame Campan^ vol. ii. p. 128.

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 149

calumnies; rumours had spread amongst the
emigrants that he had rallied to the revolutionary
Grovernment and had even offered his services to it.

These insinuations reached the ears of the
Comte de Provence, who, always ready to listen
to what his entourage said, naturally believed
them. The General's misgivings were, therefore, not
groundless, and he willingly handed over the seal
and letters to a courier who took them to Hamm.

Great was the Comte de Provence's surprise at
receiving such souvenirs, and through Jarjayes 1
He then acknowledged how wrong he had been and
manifested deep regret at having listened to the
evil and unfounded talk concerning the Chevalier,
and representing as a traitor the Queen's confidant
and messenger. In the letter of thanks which he
sent him on this occasion he spoke openly of it.

We give here a facsimile and translation of this
letter, which has never yet been published in fulj : —

* Hamm : May 14, 1793.

*SiR, — ^Your letter has given me untold
pleasure, but before speaking of this I must
make a confession. My surprise equalled my
sorrow when I saw your name on the list of general
officers of the so-called Republic ; and, as men can
only judge from appearances, it is not possible for
me to conceal from you that you had lost my
esteem. But I acknowledge my error with real

ISO A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

pleasure. How well you have revenged yourself
on me, and how much I admire and esteem you for
it ! The name of P£lisson is uttered with respect,
but when i^becomes possible to know, as I hope may
be the case, the full extent of your devotion, your
name will be on every lip. But I have dwelt long
enough on your glory, and I must now speak of my
gratitude. You have brought me the most precious
thing I possess in this world, and the only true con-
solation I have had since misfortune befell us. I only
want now to find the means of telling those who
are dearer to me than my own life, and from whom
you have brought me news, how much I love them
and with what deep and sweet feelings their letters
and other tokens of their friendship and confidence
have filled my heart. Yet I cannot hope to ex-
perience such a joy, though I am certain that if
you knew of any means of doirig so you would
inform me of it. I should have liked to see you,
to tell you of my gratitude, to talk with you of
them and of the most minute details of the services
you have rendered them. I can only approve of
your reasons for staying in Piedmont. Continue to
serve there your young and miserable King as you
have served the brother whose death I shall deplore
all my life. Tell M. de Joly from me how pleased
I am with his behaviour, and rely, both of you,
upon me for ever.

* Louis Stanislas Xavier/

1H» i Wvfiuft^- } i^nm 9»ffl» utia vtir, ♦»!«# ii*W5ri'«'/M^--^*
fwimff^^t if '^t^Ji^ «^^VM> 9ei^jPa ifuiii^^ 9M> f^

X

ftwrniM/rvtyfi imiy*\ft^if», lmJ0'ff^'Mi^ j*>'«f^,ntii»^ir'U9
j^KU^ Ifiyi^ ffi^i^, Si/Ik foihM/4iM^^' U ^ (0t^Ai^^^

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 151

Jarjayes had, therefore, succeeded in his mission
in every respect. It would have been a consolation
for the Queen to know that the objects which she
was so desirous should one day be in her son*s hands
were in safety. This satisfaction was not given to
her. It was even a long time before Marie Th^rese
knew of it herself, for she wrote that * the persons
who had taken them did so with good intentions . . .
that this brave man died later, not on account of
this affair, but for another good action. . . .* And
she adds, * I cannot mention his name, though I hope
that he may have been able to entrust someone with
these objects before he perished.' ^

In his * Journal du Temple ' ^ CUry relates on
this subject a scene which is not without grandeur.
He had left Vienna for England. He passed
through Blankenberg, intending respectfully to pre-
sent his manuscript to King Louis XVIII. When
the Prince came to the part of the diary speaking
of the jewels left by Louis XVI. he looked into his
writing desk, and showing with emotion a seal —

* Do you recognise it, C16ry ? * he said.

* Ah, sire, it is the same one 1 ' exclaimed C16ry.
*If you have any doubt,* the King replied,

* read this note.'

Trembling, Cliry read the note written by the
Queen — ' Having a faithful creature . . .' He

^ H/a'ts des Evinements arrivis au Temphy p. 33.
' Ibid. p. 134.

152 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

could no longer doubt. His astonishment was
great, for everything tended to induce the belief
that this precious token had been either burnt or
melted on April 23, 1 793, at the same time as the rib-
bons, crosses, decorations, and various gold and silver
jewels found by the commissioners of the Commune
when they searched the apartment of the late King.^
And it was on January 21, 1797, that Cliry found
in Louis XVIII/s hands that symbol of royalty
which Louis XVL had meant to keep for his son !

Thus all the efforts which had been made to
save the Royal Family from the Commune had,
through a series of mishaps and fatalities, resulted in
nothing but keeping the last souvenirs of Louis XVL
in the hands of the Bourbon family.

But besides this material result, so slight in
comparison with the greatness of the enterprise, it
would not be just to pass over the moral result in
silence, and to deprive the intrepid accomplices of
such a daring project of the merit of having watched
over the Queen prisoner with brave and active
fidelity.

Was it nothing for Marie Antoinette to see

Toulan and Jarjayes *fall at her knees and offer

her, in the shadow of her cell, a devotion which the

place, peril, and coming death elevated above all the

^ M^moires Historiques sur Louis XVII^ by Eckard, p. 153.

THE RING AND SEAL OF LOUIS XVI 153

devotion that was showered on her at the time of
her prosperity * ? ^

Then, was it nothing to give her for six weeks
the hope of being soon released, to draw her away
for a time from her trials and grief, and to procure
her the final joy of knowing that she had near her
a few real friends ?

When the prison door closed behind her, never
to be opened until she should be handed over
to the revolutionary tribunal — which meant certain
death — was it nothing to have given her, even for a
short time, the delusion that she might be saved
from it ?

True, it was a dream ! But Marie Antoinette,
who knew what dreams were, herself said that it was
a beautiful one. Besides, who can say that the
bravery of those two men, Toulan and Jarjayes,
has been useless, since in this case it has shown
to posterity what an energetic woman, what a
devoted mother was the last Queen of France P^

1 Lamartine, Histoire des GiroruUnSy vol. iv. p. 334.

* M. de Jarjayes had made for Louis XVI.'s brothers a report
upon these episodes. The report and the originals of a few — by no
means a//, as says M. Feuillet de Conches— of Marie Antoinette's
letters came by inheritance to the Baron Zangiacomi, councillor
at the Cour de Cassation. In 1871 the Commune ordered a
search to be made at his house. The various documents were
seized, with many other rare and precious papers, and taken to the
Palais de Justice ; but they disappeared in the fire which destroyed
that building. The letters which are reproduced in facsimile in
this volume are all that remain.

Part IV

CONSEQUENCES OF THE
CONSPIRACY

157

CHAPTER I

Suspicions— Arthur's First Denunciation— Lepitre's and Toulan's
Justification — They are removed from Duty at the Temple —
The Tisons give Information — Search at the Prisoners' —
Toulan's Hat— Madness of the Woman Tison.

* You are a traitor, and you will be guillotined 1 * a
knitting woman said one day to Toulan. Although
the thing was said in joke Toulan, in spite of his usual
self-control, felt somewhat put out of countenance
at this prophecy on the part of one of the people.

Fear increased the anger of that crowd which
rushed to liberty through blood and tears ; for,
since the terrible events which, had threatened the
Republic with the worst of dangers, revolt had
broken out in La Vendie, and the foreign troops
had been successful ; while Dumouriez was the
third commander who had passed over to the enemy,
thus following Bouilli and La Fayette.

Anger took the form which it always assumes
with the ignorant ; it was suspicious, wicked, ready
for any cruelty. Everybody mistrusted everyone
else, and the fear of being betrayed made people see
traitors everjrwhere. The usual accusation in those
days was simply that of treason ; it was not
necessary to be convicted of being a traitor, not even

158 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

to be guilty of treason ; to be a victim it was
sufficient to be suspected.

However clever Toulan might be, whatever
prudence Lep!tre might display, it was not possible
but that in the long run their conduct should arouse
the suspicion of their colleagues or of the servants
who had been placed at the Temple to watch them.
Besides, it must be said that the most dangerous of
the spies was not one from whom it was easy to
hide things. It was the poor little Prince, in whom
misfortune had developed a habit of observation,
without giving his intellect discernment equal to this
habit. He knew who were the municipal officers
who were favourable to his mother. How could he
be prevented from speaking about them or taught
not to show his knowledge ? His childish nature
was incapable of such dissimulation.

A few commissioners who were on the alert,
either through vague indications or from natural
instinct, spied upon Toulan and Lepltre with jealous
care, for they had suffered in their pride from the
ill-disguised disdain which the vain Professor showed
towards uneducated people who did not know Latin,
as well as from the railleries of the caustic Gascon.
And the fierce levellers could not forgive such moral
superiority.

They watched the two municipal officers carefully,
and soon discovered that both were almost always on
duty at the Temple on the same days ; moreover.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 1 59

they listened to various rumours which were begin-
ning to spread here and there. Was it not said
that Toulan had received from the Queen a gold
box ? — that his wife had spoken of it to his clerks,
and had even shown it to them ? The clerks were
repeating it to everybody and to anybody.

It required no more than this to set people talk-
ing. On March 26 Arthur — a wealthy wall-paper
manufacturer, well known for his revolutionary
fanaticism — who had become famous on August 10
for having eaten the heart of a Swiss Guard whom
he had murdered on the Tuileries steps, de-
nounced his colleagues for having intercourse with
the Temple prisoners. He charged Lepltre with
having mysterious familiar conversations with Marie
Antoinette, and accused Toxilan of making her and her
family laugh at jokes which were degrading to the
dignity of a magistrate of the people.^ These were
the only charges that could be brought against them.

They would have been sufficient to ruin them if
Hubert had been in one of his bloodthirsty fits when
he heard of them. Fortunately the Deputy Attorney-
General of the Commune was in a good humour at
the time. He sent for the culprits, and questioned
them kindly. LepJtre denied everything, and
Toulan laughed in his face. Convinced for the
time, Hubert let the matter drop.

The schoolmaster, reassured as to his fate, and
^ Quelquis Sattvenirs^ by Lepttre, p. 52.

i6o A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

wishing to get over his emotion, spent the evening
of the 27th at the Thtttre du Vaudeville. He
was proud to show himself in public in a velvet
coat ; and in an offhand way, and without look-
ing as if he attached any importance to it, he
managed to inform his neighbours that he was a
member of the Commune.^ That evening they
were playing the * Chaste Suzanne,* a play which
was a great success, and which the Government, out
of a strange condescension, quite opposed to all its
other acts, had allowed to be given, although it
contained the sentence : * You are his accusers ; you
cannot be his judges* — an echo of Louis XVI. *s
trial. Lepltre tells us that the hall was crowded
with spectators who applauded furiously.

This was a strange proof of the quick but flighty,
fierce and yet kind, cruel and yet good nature of a
people who in the morning went to see someone
guillotined, fought at the door of the bakers' shops
for bread during the day, used its guns to make or
put down a riot, and in the evening must go to the
theatre and enjoy itself in spite of all.

Nevertheless, the issue of Arthur's denunciation
had fully satisfied none but the two accused people,
and the prejudice against them was as great as ever
in the Council of the Commune. But Toulan and
Lepltre did not care, and, brazening it out, they
had their names put on the list of commissioners
^ Quelques Souvenirs^ by Lepttre, p. 54.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY i6i

to the Temple for Easter Day. This roused the
anger, nay, the fury of real patriots. Such a scandal
must be put down. Lfechenard, a tailor by trade
and a drunkard by profession, carried the Council
with him and had the appointments cancelled.

This was only a childish game and a preliminary
amusement. Clouds were gathering, and soon the
storm would break. They were not to be punished
alone ; the Queen also must suffer. The Council
had the means in their own hands ; they had only to
prevent Tison from seeing his daughter. He began
to grumble. One evening he saw a man entering
the Temple for some duty or other. He got into
a passion at seeing a stranger going inside the
Temple when his own child was not allowed to enter.
He thought that the watch over the prisoners was
too exacting, and he used strong language when
speaking of it. What he said was at once re-
peated to Pache, the Mayor of Paris, who was
downstairs, as if by chance. He thought it worth
while to question Tison, and sent for him.

* What are you complaining of ? * he asked.

* Of not seeing my daughter,* Tison answered ;
* and also that some of the municipal officers do not
behave as they ought.'

^ What do they do ? *

* They whisper to the prisoners and enable them
to correspond with the outside world.*

* And those municipal officers — their names ? '

M

1 62 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

* Toukn, Lepltre/

Asked to give a proof of what he was saying, he
stated that one evening at supper Marie Antoinette,
pulling out her handkerchief, let a pencil fall ; an-
other time he had found wafers and a pen in a box
in Madame Elisabeth's room.

Whilst he was talking someone was writing ; and
when he had finished he was asked to sign his denun-
ciation. His wife was next called. Frightened, she
confirmed all that her husband had said ; she added
also that the Royal Family were informed by Toulan
and Lepttre especially of all that happened ; that
they brought the newspapers, gave them the means
to correspond by bringing letters and taking the
answers ; that they were constantly in the Queen's
room, sitting near the prisoners, and talking freely
with them. In a word, she told all that she had'
been able to see and all that she had suspected.^

This scene took place on April 19. The Tisons
saw their child on the following day.

And on the same day, just as the Queen and
Marie Thirfese had gone to bed, Hubert came with
several municipal officers. They at once got up, and
an order of the Commune was read to them, in which
the municipal officers were directed to make a search
according to their discretion — ^which they did, even
examining the mattresses.

^ Ricits des Evinements arrivis au Temple ^ p. 35 et seqq.s
Quelques Souvenirs^ by Lepitre, p. 56.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 163

They took from the Queen the address of a
shopkeeper which she had kept ; from Marie
Thirese they took a Sacred Heart of Jesus and a
prayer for France. In Madame Elisabeth's room
they found some sealing-wax and a hat ; they carried
both away. The results were small for so much
work. At last, at two o'clock in the morning, the
municipal officers made up their minds to retire.
They were furious.

Three days later they came back and had
Madame Elisabeth brought downstairs. The hat
which had been found in her room was puzzling to
them. They questioned the Princess, asking her
where it came from, how long she had had it, and
why she kept it. She answered that it had belonged
to her brother, and that she was keeping it as a
remembrance of him.

They did not know what to think of the answer.
They were certainly not convinced, as, so far as they
could recollect, Louis XVI. had only one hat — the
one he put on to go to the gallows.

The municipal officers were certainly right in
being suspicious, for the hat which they had found
under Madame Elisabeth's bed had never belonged
to her brother, but was the one which Toulan had
left one day, that it might be used by the Princess
to disguise herself as a municipal officer when the
plan was made for flight.

The denunciation did not answer its purpose.

M 2

1 64 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Toulan and Lepltre were perhaps a little more
suspected than before, yet there had been no serious
proof brought against them. Therefore no steps
were taken against them, save that, out of prudence,
they were henceforth removed from duty at the
Temple ; but they kept all their other duties as
members of the Commune.

The first victim of this machination was the
principal accomplice in it ; for one day a short time
afterwards the woman Tison began to chatter to
herself.

The young Marie Th^rfese laughed ; and her
mother and aunt looked at her complacently, as if
her laugh did them good. But the woman Tison
went on talking : she spoke aloud of her wickedness,
of denunciation, of prison, the scaffold, the Queen,
the Royal Family, and their misfortunes. Finally
she threw herself at the Queen*s feet and implored
mercy.

The Queen raised her, endeavouring to calm
her, but in vain. The unfortunate woman was mad.

As she had not seen the municipal officers whom
she had accused return to the Temple, she thought
they might have perished on the scaffold. She spent
her days waiting for news, and at night she had
horrible dreams. She had at last to be taken away
and carried to the H6tel-Dieu, where she died not
long afterwards.^

^ Rdcit des Evinements arrivds au Temple^ p. 42 et seqq*

i6s

CHAPTER II

Toulan in the Precincts of the Temple — Signals agreed upon—
Correspondence through Turg/s Intervention — Note from
Madame Elisabeth — * Produse ' — Political Agitation — ^The
Committee of Twelve — Opposition of the Commune— Petition
against the Girondins — Lepttre refuses to Sign — Toulan signs
— Insurrection on May 31 and June 2 — Toulan goes into the
Suburbs — Attempt of the Baron de Batz unknown to Toulan.

After their unsuccessful attempt to re-enter the
Temple on Easter Day, after the kind of ostracism to
which they had been sentenced by their coUeagues,
Toulan and Lepltre realised that they had better
submit in order to avoid a grave responsibility ;
for the Revolutionary Tribunal was already in
existence, and it was as by a miracle that they had
escaped it.

Lepltre resigned himself to giving up the fine
plans which his fertile imagination had formed, and
with a wealth of recollections he resumed his usual
work, whilst he attended regularly the meetings of
the Commune.

Passive resignation was not one of Toulan's
qualities. He took no notice of the decisions the
Commune had come to with regard to himself,
and he swore that in spite of all he would continue

1 66 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

his relations with the prisoners of the Temple. He
did as he had decided.

He rented a room close to the prison, as near
as he could to the main tower ; and, as he had kept
up his acquaintance with Turgy, he began at once
to correspond through him with the Queen and
Madame Elisabeth.

The latter, being less closely watched than her
sister-in-law, principally carried on the correspond-
ence, sometimes writing direct to Toulan, sometimes
sending vivd voce messages through Turgy. Of
course, more than ever made-up names were used,
and *Fidfele' often recurs. It was thus that the
prisoners still had news from the outside.

The following is one of the letters which we
owe to Turgy : —

* After supper, go to FidMe and ask him if he
has news of Produse ' (^Produse ' stood for the Prince
de Cond6). ' If he has good news, the napkin will
be under the right arm ; if he has none, under the
left arm. Tell him that we are afraid the accusation
may have caused him annoyance. Ask him to let
you know when he hears from Produse ; you will
communicate with us by the signals agreed upon.' ^

But such communications were too slow for
Toulan's taste. Turgy could not go out as often as
was necessary ; and, besides, in a case of urgency,
either of a serious event or of unexpected news,

^ Fragments^ by Turgy, pp. 364, 365.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 167

how could they correspond quickly enough ? The
intrepid Gascon found a better way. He would
contrive to play on the horn : each tune was to
have a special meaning which was agreed upon with
the prisoners. Thus he could from his room give
prompt advice to the Temple prisoners. With in-
credible audacity, and in spite of the dangers which
it presented, he made frequent use of this strange
means of communication.

The times made it necessary. Never has a
more troubled and diversified epoch been found in
French history.

At the same time came a troop of emigrants upon
the eastern frontier, foreign armies upon all the others,
risings in La Vendue, in the Cevennes, in Lyons,
Marseilles, even in Paris, where, besides the Royalists
who remained in concealment, there was rivalry
between the Convention and the Commune, whilst in
the Convention itself there was the struggle between
the * Girondins ' and the * Montagnards.*

As happens to political parties, who are always
more inclined to reproach themselves with their
misfortunes than with their faults, Montagne and
Gironde accused each other of being the cause of
France*s disasters, after which each proposed
remedies, some violent, some mild, but all useless.

In the frightful fights which often changed the
House which sat in the Tuileries from May 10 into
a gladiators' arena, the most atrocious accusations

1 68 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

were exchanged ; the Montagnards accused tjie Right
of compounding with La Vendue, whilst the
Girondins replied, more truly indeed, that the Left
agreed with the Commune.

The only point on which they were unanimous
was the election of a commission, composed of
twelve members, whose duty was to examine the
Comipune's deeds and to enquire into the plots con-
cocted against the national representation (May i8).
Each of the two parties expected to gain the victory
in the election of the twelve commissioners.

The Gironde won the day. The Commune,
feeling its existence threatened, began the struggle
at once. It commenced its resistance by coming
to the Convention and demanding justice from the
commission of twelve members which had ordered
Hubert's arrest ; and in order to compel the repre-
sentatives of the people to yield, it sent to the
different sections a petition for Hubert's release and
the suppression of the * Twelve.' It invited all the
patriots to sign it.

They stopped at no stratagems in order to coUect
the largest number of adhesions, and Lepltre had a
narrow escape from falling a victim to them. Without
anybody having been warned of it, for the presence-
sheet, which usually lay on the Council's table, another
was substituted, bearing the heading ^ Names of
those who adhere to the Address to the Girondins.'
The schoolmaster, having come rather late to the

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY i6^

meeting, wrote his name on this last sheet without
looking at the superscription.

A coUeague having told him of the error he had
committed, he hastened to go to erase his name.
On this being discovered the following day there
was quite a commotion. Then with real courage,
quite uncommon to him, as in other circumstances
he had not shown as much, Lepltre explained his
mistake and kept to his decision. Vainly did they
blame him, calling him ^ a coward and a liar ' ; he
persisted in his refusal to sign the petition.^

Toulan made no difficulty and signed the
petition boldly.

What can have been Toulan's motive in so doing ?
At first sight his action is in perfect contradiction
to his conduct and his newly assumed manners. We
cannot admit that just as Lepltre was getting brave
Toulan was turning a coward ; the past as well as
the future life of the Gascon are contrary to such a
supposition. To credit him with the Machiavellian
intention of exciting disorder and confusion, of
aiding in throwing the parties into dispute with each
other, and of creating a new attempt to secure the
safety of the Queen under the cover of such disturb-
ances, would be, in our opinion, to greatly overrate the
part that Toulan could aspire to fill. That would
be to ignore his practical intelligence and clear-
sightedness, especially with regard to the difficulty
* Quelques Souvenirs^ pp. 58, 59.

lyo A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

that then existed in ensuring the Queen's safety. We
may still more readily discard the opinion that by
pursuing the Girondins he was banning to exercise
vengeance against the King's murderers. Toulan
had never been actively devoted to Louis XVI. The
man of the Tenth of August was not bent on aveng-
ing in so indirect and so carefully studied a manner,
if we may use these words, the 2ist of January.

But what is possible is that by making such a
show of his patriotism Toulan may have thought that
he would thus eflace the last vestige of the charges
brought against him ; he would regain his good
name of zealous revolutionary, and thus be allowed
to resume at the Temple and near the prisoners the
situation which he had lost through his imprudence
and the denunciations. This would have been neither
against his nature nor his inclination to mockery,
he who was so clever at dissimulating. We must,
however, recollect that the Commune had its sus-
pects, and such a qualification could never be
annulled. Toulan was far too keen-sighted to fancy
that he would so easily bring back and convince
men like Arthur, Lichenard, and the majority of
his coUeagues, who wer^ not less suspicious than the
former.

But if one thinks it well over, the most plausible
and the simplest hypothesis is that the Gascon had
remained a true republican, in spite of his devotion
to a woman and his active sympathy for her mis-

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 171

fortunes. On this occasion the Gascon found in
himself the old Jacobite germ which had been
dormant ; and in a case where Marie Antoinette's
life was not at stake, when his heart had not to fight
against his opinions, he was once more what he had
always been, the republican patriot who would not
accept the Girondins, the men who caused the dis-
integration of France, and who persecuted in them
the enemies of the Republic one and indivisible.

What tends to confirm this opinion is that not
only did Toulan sign the petition, but he agreed to
go with several of his coUeagues to the outskirts of
Paris, with a view to asking the neighbouring
communes to join the Paris municipality, so as to
be united as one, with one and the same opinion —
thus being capable of breaking every resistance. He
fulfiUed this mission zealously, and was able later to
appeal to the testimony of his colleagues.^

After two riotous days. May 3 1 and June 2, the
Convention, invaded by the people, yielded to force.
The * Montagne ' decided upon the arrest of two
ministers and thirty-one members belonging to the
Gironde party or favourable to its notions. The
Commune had carried the day.

If Toulan thought that his strong revolutionary

attitude would bring back to him the goodwiU of

his colleagues he made a great mistake, for, in spite

of its victory, the Commune did not in the least

* National Record Office, W 400, No. 927.

172 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

forget the past, and did not restore to him its
confidence ; so that while attending its delibera-
tions he had to go back to his horn in order to
communicate with the Temple,

It was about the same time that a second
attempt was made to save Marie Antoinette. This
attempt was mysterious in every way — in its con-
ception, its execution, and still more in the bad luck
which caused it to fail. The Baron de Batz, the
municipal officer Michonis, and the grocer Cortey
were the principal actors in it. Toidan was not con-
nected with it. It even seems that he only heard a
few weeks later of the devotion of Michonis to the
Queen.

173

CHAPTER III

Prophecies — 'Mirabilis Liber* — Louis XVIL parted from his
Mother — Toulan informed of Everything through Letters
from Madame Elisabeth — Official Attempt at Release—
Maret and Semonville — ^Austria's Policy — M. de Thugut—
Arrest of Plenipotentiaries — Popular Exasperation — Reverses
in La Vendue — Mayence and Valenciennes surrender —
Scarcity of Food — ^The Committee of Public Safety is renewed
— Marie Antoinette, sent before the Revolutionary Tribunal, is
taken to the Conciergerie — Toulan and Michonis — The
Chevalier de Rougeville — Re-election of the Commune
Council — Neither Toulan nor Lepitre is re-elected.

The masses have an innate taste for the super-
natural. In times of calamity they dream of
infinite happiness ; and in days of oppression, of
marvellous deliverance. This, of course, is in
perfect agreement with that double sentiment on
one side of hope, and on the other of powerlessness,
where one has to look to one's own efforts alone for
the realisation of that hope.

In that particular year, 1793, credulous minds —
and they were numerous — did not fail to follow
tradition. It was then that a so-called prophecy
was circulated which was attributed — ^without any
ground, however — to St. C6saire, Bishop of Aries,
and mingled with many other visions in a collection

174 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

called * Mirabilis Liber.' This incomprehensible
nonsense, published at the beginning of the sixteenth
century, brought to the National Library a crowd of
inquirers who sought in it for predictions which
might apply to the principal events of the French
Revolution. It was not a difficult matter, for, like
all similar books, this was written in bad Latin, and
with the want of precision and vague wording which
characterise prophetic language. It was possible to
interpret the predictions in many ways, so that in
reality the prophecy was not so much the prophet's
as his translator's.

In the text of the * Mirabilis Liber ' was the fol-
lowing sentence : ' Juvenis captivatus qui recuperabit
coronam Lilii . . . fundatus, destruet filios Bruti,'
which may be translated thus : * The young captive
who shall recover the Lily crown, once on the throne,
will destroy the sons of Btutus.' It was explained
as follows : Young Louis XVII. will one day ascend
his father's throne, and will then destroy revolution
and revolutionaries.

This belief was beginning to spread, so that many
people, frightened by the horrors of the Revolution,
drew new hope from the thought of the victory
which St. C^saire had predicted to the * juvenis
captivatus,' when the Committee of Public Safety
thought it necessary to bar the way to such a move-
ment of opinion by using violence in order to fight
against the prophecy. It issued the following

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 175

decree : * The Committee of Public Safety orders
that Capet's son shall be separated from his mother.'

And, as the ' sons of Brutus ' had the law, if not
the prophets, on their side, the decision was made
known to the Queen by the municipal officers on duty
on July 3. It was ten o'clock at night, and the child
was in bed. On hearing the very first word the
Queen rushed to the little bed and made a rampart of
her arms to protect him against those who had come
to carry him off. They command, she weeps ;
they threaten, she rebels. They have recourse to
violence. * KiU me ! kill me, at any rate, first ! '
she cried.

At last, after an hour's struggle, violence was
triumphant and a mother's love was defeated. The
boy King was taken from her to be placed in
charge of Simon. The ^Mirabilis Liber' had
seemed only to add to the grief of Marie
Antoinette : it caused her intense sorrow, which it
had not foreseen.

Yet this was not all : the Commune was now on
the alert, and it ordered the surrounding wall to be
raised, bolts to be added to the doors, and blinds to
be put up at the windows. It was as much as the
mother could do to see her son a few minutes each
day through a narrow crack in the woodwork of
the tower platform, or through a window in the
wardrobe staircase.

These sights were her only joy and comfort in her

176 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

trials. But $he wished to share them with her friends,
and, as Toulan had remained one of the most faithful,
she was anxious that he should be informed.

*Give this note to Fidele from us,' Madame
Elisabeth wrote to Turgy. * Tell him, ** My sister
wished that you should know that every day we see
the litde one through the wardrobe staircase window,
butdonotlet this preventyougiving us news of him."'^

This recommendation was soon to be changed
into a contrary order. In proportion as Simon
tortured the child, Madame Elisabeth endeavoured
to save her sister this increase of grief, and it was
she who asked all around to keep silence on the
kind of education which the shoemaker, who had
become the Prince's tutor, was giving him. Marie
Antoinette knew or suspected quite enough.

The prisoners were now trying to learn what was
going on outside. Both the rising in La Vendue and
the march of the allied troops gave them hopes.
But it was difficult to keep the Princesses informed,
as events succeeded each other rapidly and con-
standy brought new personages to light.

* A letter for Fidfele. Where is that gendeman in
command ? When you mention a new name to
me tell me where its owner lives, for I do not
know a single one of those gendemen . . .'
Madame Elisabeth wrote to Turgy .^

1 Fragments, by Turgy, p. 374.
•-* Ibid. p. 375.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 177

A few days later she asked him to thank
Toulan.

^Tell Fidfele how grateful we are for his last
note. We did not require that assurance for us
always and surely to rely upon him. The signals
are good ; we shall say, " To arms, citizens ! " only
in case they should be thinking of bringing us
together, but we are very much afraid such pre-
cautions will not be necessary.' ^

Although the situation of the Queen and the
other Temple prisoners appeared at that time to be
more than dangerous, if not irremediable, it is none
. the less true that in this same month of July, had
the Austrian Court wished it, Marie Antoinette
could have been saved.

This point, which for a long time was an obscure
one, has now been cleared up, owing to the dis-
covery of most important documents — upon which
a few words may now be said.

Whilst the Commune was raging against its
victims, those at the head of the revolutionary
agitation were somewhat uneasy about the future
destinies of France and the Republic, as well as about
their own fate. Beyond the feeling of humanity
which urged these men — who were not so cruel or
not so blind as others — to spare what remained
of the Royal Family, there was also a powerful
political motive for showing mercy.

' Fragments, by Turgy, p. 375.

N

1 78 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

This was the only way to retain the last allies of the
French Republic, to enable it to obtain an honour-
able peace, and even perhaps to save it from destruc-
tion. According to them, Europe was fighting
merely to release the Queen, and should she be
spared it would lay down its arms and allow France
to complete and strengthen the conquests of the
Revolution.

Many people thought so. Hence the projects,
most of which were barely outlined, but which were
tokens of solicitude for Marie Antoinette, though
they were unfortunately without result.

Did Danton really wish to save Marie Antoinette
and to redeem by that act of generosity and of
good policy his guilty compliance ? If we are to
believe the son of the member of the Convention
Courtois, this idea occurred to his father, and
Danton shared it. Both dreamed of helping the
Queen to escape. That may have been the case,
though it seems improbable. At any rate, we have
no other proof than Courtois' statement.

What is much more serious is an almost oflScial
attempt made in 1793, and about which a man who
had been officially mixed up with it, and who played
an important part in it, has left some memoirs which
allow of no doubt. That man was Maret, the same
whom later on Napoleon created Due de Bassano,
and who became Minister of War and of Foreign
Affairs.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 179

This is his testimony : —
*The Revolution was taking a cruel turn, yet
there were still men in power who were not deluded
concerning the future: they were frightened at it
and were capable of devoting themselves to attempt
to save whatever was still worth rescuing of the great
wreck. The wisest part of the Government came
to an agreement to forward a Note to the only
Powers who were still the allies of the Republic.
These were Venice, Florence, and Naples. The
republicans did not care to be disowned by the
whole world. They felt sure that if the three
States above mentioned made the safety of the
Queen and her family a condition of the main-
tenance of their aUiance they would not get a refusal.
The plan was arranged, the instructions were given,
and I was commissioned to execute them. . . . M.
de Semonville was asked to take part with me in the
negotiations, which were to begin with Venice and
Florence, and finish with Naples. ... I met M. de
Semonville at Geneva. . . .'

But the missions of the two plenipoten-
tiaries interfered too much with the secret
plans of the Austrian C6urt. Once before,
when it had been proposed to exchange the
Royal Family for the four members of the
Convention who had been handed over by
Dumouriez to the Prince of Coburg, Austrian
diplomacy had managed to leave those propositions

N2

i8o A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

unanswered,^ and again Marie Antoinette's life came
after the interests of the Austrian Court. More
than that, it was bent on taking advantage of the
Princess's misfortune in order to satisfy its desire
to conquer part of France ; M. de Thugut was
afraid that iiFthe Queen and Louis XVII. were
released it would be injurious to his policy. Indeed,
how could he rob them of the finest provinces in
their kingdom if their lives were saved ?

In defiance of the droit des gens he had Maret
and Semonville arrested at Novale, on the neutral
ground of the Grisons. They were taken to the
prison of Gravedona, and thence to Mantua, where
they arrived on July 24, 1793, at six o'clock
in the morning.

Their captivity lasted until 1795. At that time
the Queen, Madame Elisabeth, and the young King
were dead. Their liberty could no longer injure
the policy of Francis II. and his minister M. de
Thugut.

This lost opportunity never presented itself
again. And soon the worst reverses were added to
the insult which had been offered to France in the
persons of her envoys. These reverses brought
the univensal exasperation to a climax.

Each day brought its share of bad news : the La
Vendie irregulars had forced the republicans to re-
cross the Loire on July 17. A week later, on July 2 5,
* Le Comte de Fersen et la Caur de France^ vol. ii. pp. 71-75.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 1 8 1

Majrence surrendered. Valenciennes capitulated on
the 28 th ; lastly, the most frightful famine and
complete misery reigned throughout France, and in
Paris above all. The assignats (paper money) had
fallen to a sixth of their nominal value.

The Revolution did not give way under repeated
blows. It resolved to make a supreme effort which
might save it, and, as usual, it had recourse to
terror.

On August 4 Barfere came to the tribune of the
Convention and made a report on the conjunction of
the whole of Europe against French liberties : one
of the conclusions of this report was that Marie
Antoinette should be tried by the Revolutionary
Tribunal.

This measure having been voted by the Conven-
tion, it was immediately adopted by the Commune
itself, and the very next day, August 2, the Queen
was taken to the Conciergerie, * that ante-chamber
of death.'

The cries of despair with which she had
manifested her grief when she was parted from her
son were not renewed in the case of this last
outrage. Her heart was broken.

She was also very ill, and this is thoroughly
proved by statements which reliable witnesses have
left. Her moral strength survived her failing
health ; yet she was sombre and silent.

After Madame Elisabeth and Marie Thirise

1 82 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

were left alone at the Temple, confined on a
floor higher than the one where Louis XVII.
was imprisoned, they endeavoured to obtain news
of the Queen. They could ask no one but
Toulan.

They were obliged now to inform him of
the secret feelings of one — ^his colleague Michonis
— ^who was quite as brave as Toulan himself, as
devoted, if not more so, and as clever and self-
controlled.

This municipal officer, who had already attempted
once to save the Queen, and who until that day had
been able to avoid being suspected, was frequently
on duty at the Temple, where he was able to go
almost daily without exciting suspicion, as his
patriotism was not only well known but fully
established and unquestioned.

His faithfulness was a guarantee to Madame
Elisabeth that the Queen would not suffer too
severe treatment at the Conciergerie. Her only
anxiety was, then, to ascertain whether coarse or
hostile colleagues might not prevent him from
giving free course to his feelings of pity and
compassion.

She wrote to Turgy —

*. . . As for Fidfele, ask him if Michonis sees
my sister, and if she has no other warder than
Michonis.* ^

* Fragments^ by Turgy, p. 376.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 183

Toulan reassured Madame Elisabeth as far as
the situation enabled him to do so.

In reality Michonis, in spite of his remarkable
zeal, could do nothing openly in favour of the
Queen ; as to try to save Marie Antoinette from the
death which was in store for her, by favouring her
escape, was an attempt far more difficult, far more
hazardous, and, in fact, much more unrealisable, than
the attempt made by Toulan and Jarjayes, or even
than the first one made at the Temple by Michonis,
Cortey, and the Baron de Batz.

And yet he tried it, with the Chevalier de Rouge-
ville as his accomplice. But everything was found out,
from the time of the Chevalier's first interview with
the Queen. Rougeville escaped, but Michonis was
arrested. This adventure, which is known under
the name of the Pink Flower Conspiracy, was the
last. The fatal circle was drawing itself closer round
the Queen, and the rage of her enemies was increas-
ing in proportion with her friends* incapacity.

New elections took place on August 7. The
accusations of Arthur, Lichenard, and the Tisons
had had their effect, and neither Toulan nor Lepltre
was re-elected.

Their rejection was a warning. Having become
suspects, the two ex-commissioners had everything
to fear. They, however, remained, and lived in Paris
without being molested until the beginning of
October. Then everything changed.

1 84 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

CHAPTER IV.

Toulan arrested on October 7 — His Self-control — He escapes —
October 8 — Lepitre*s Arrest — Sainte-Pdlagie — ^The Queen's
Trial, October 14-16 — Lepitre as a Witness — His Evidence —
Arrest of Madame de Jaijayes — Sentence and Execution of
Marie Antoinette — October 16.

On Monday morning, October 7, Toulan was walk-
ing in the streets of Paris, when he was stopped by a
few people. He recognised some of his friends
among these, and they began talking. Toulan
thus learned that, as the Queen's trial was about to
begin, the attention of the Commune had been
drawn again to all those who at one time or another
had shown respect or devotion to the prisoner, and
that in order to assert its authority it had decided
to arrest the suspects. They added that Toulan
was among them, that he had been most particularly
mentioned, and that they had themselves been
requested to arrest him.

On hearing the news, sufficiently surprising even
at that time, the Gascon did not lose his presence
of mind. He realised his danger, and at once began
to think, as dispassionately as possible, how to escape.

The men who had come to arrest him were not
all of savage nature ; in fact, a certain number of

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 185

them were not, at the bottom of their hearts, over-
anxious to fulfil their mandate ; while some would
have liked to have nothing to do with it. Toulan
in these had unconscious accomplices, and he resolved
to gain time, look round, weigh matters, and take
advantage of a lucky chance, if he could find or
create one.

Consequently, he feigned perfect submission to
their orders. He told them that, having been
arrested unexpectedly in the street, he had not with
him the clothes he would require should his im-
prisonment last some time, and he therefore asked for
leave to go home and get what he wanted ; they
could go with him, and in that way he would always
be at their disposal. He added that he had some
important papers in his desk, which it would be better
to seal in his presence before they took him to prison.
This was a just demand ; they assented, and all
started for the Rue du Monceau-Saint-Gervais.

On their way they met Ricard. As soon as
Toulan had seen his friend, who was at the same time
his clerk, he asked him to accompany them. He
might be useful to put in order the papers relating
to their business and help in affixing the seals.
Toulan warned him by a sign, and he, being as
clever and keen as his master, at once understood.

Having arrived at the house of the ex-commis-
sioner, they set to work at once to search in the
cases, to examine the various documents, and to

1 86 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

write their official statements ; they all began to talk,
and the noise grew louder.

This was what Toulan was waiting for. He
pretended he wanted to wash his hands, and going
to a neighbouring room, he turned on a tap. While
the water was running from the tap he opened a
door which led to a back staircase and escaped as
quietly as possible.

Ricard, who knew the house well, guessed what
Toulan was about ; he saw that his master was
succeeding and tried to cover his retreat. He
encouraged conversation, discussed, began a quarrel
about some papers which he wanted to leave ;
they refused, but he insisted. The water was still
running ; the increasing noise drew the attention
of the commissioners from their prisoner, and
deceived them so entirely that when they thought
of him they did not see him. They looked for
him, but there was nobody. Toulan was already
far away.^

Nothing was left for the commissioners but to go,
and they retired abashed. This was not, however,

* Mimoires Historiques sur Louis XVI I ^ by Eckard, p. 427
et seqq, Eckard, who as a rule is well informed, places the arrest
and escape of Toulan immediately after the denunciation by the
Tisons. He adds : * Although he was obliged to remain hidden,
Toulan continued to render services to the Royal Family, as can
be seeh from the Fragments^ by Turgy ; but in October 1793 he
received advice which forced him to leave Paris.' Eckard clearly
makes a mistake here ; for, as the reader has seen, Toulan
continued in his post as member of the Commune until August 7,

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 187

the case with all of them, for it is almost certain that
some few facilitated Toulan's ruse and allowed
him to escape. The charges against him were too
strong to permit of his being saved if his arrest were
enforced. The Commune was beginning to rival
the Convention on one point : it wanted to disperse
the latter at its own will, and would not allow its
authority to be lessened in the least by any attempt
against the life of its members.^ Toulan benefited
by this good disposition, which, however, did not
last.

When Lepltre heard of the incident, on
October 7 apparently, he said to his wife at supper
time —

* If they wanted to lock me up I should ask to
be sent to Sainte-P61agie ; there at least I should
find people whom I know, and I should not be as
miserable as I should in another prison. . . .'

On the following day, as early as six in the
morning, a member of the Revolutionary Committee
came to the house in the Rue Saint-Jacques and
gave the Professor the order to follow him to
Sainte-P61agie. This was done at once.

after the accusation by the Tisons, except that he was no longer
on duty at the Temple. Therefore, he remained in concealment.
Besides, he stated himself in his examination at Bordeaux that it
was in the beginning of October that he attempted to escape, and
he added that he had left Paris on October 7 at ten o'clock in the
morning, because he was going to be arrested.
* Quelques Souvenirs^ by Lepitre, p. 70.

1 88 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Lepttre was half consoling himself for his mis-
adventure by the thought of how clever he had been,
when, as soon as he had entered his prison, he was
placed in close custody. This was not what he had
expected, and he was somewhat disconcerted. How-
ever, he did not lose courage, and he awaited events
whilst preparing his justification.

These various measures had been taken on
account of the Queen's triat, which, after many
hesitations and several adjournments, had been fixed
for October 14.

Of the examination and debates we shall men-
tion now only what refers to the Toulan-Jarjayes
plot ; the full account will be given elsewhere.

The absence if not of proofs at least of written
documents against the Queen had been the cause
of the delay in her trial. Hubert thought oi
filling up this blank. On Sunday, October 6, the
day before Toulan was to be arrested, he went to the
Temple and snatched from the weakness and ignorance
of young Louis XVII. a series of statements, some
of which were shamefully vile and false, while others
were true. It is necessary to say that the latter
were in reality of not the slightest importance, and
were not sufficient to sanction condemnation.

They are related in the following manner in the
report of the examination : * He [Louis XVII.]
stated to us that last winter, whilst he was living in
the same apartment with his mother, aunt, and

■ m tii^

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 189

sister, a civilian called Dang6, who was on guard near
them as Council commissioner, was looking after
him one day whilst he was taking his walk along
the Tower platform. He took him in his arms
and kissed him, saying, " I wish I could see you in
your father's place."

* He also stated that another civilian, of the name
of Toulan, being also on guard at the Tower about
the same time, the said women locked him and
his sister in one of the turrets for an hour and
a half, a short time before the candles were lit, and
that during that time he^ spoke with the said
women, and that he [Louis] did not hear what the
subject of their conversation was ; that on another
occasion he heard the said Toulan tell his mother
and aunt that every evening, at half-past ten, he would
send a newsvendor near to the Temple, who would
cry any news that might be of interest to them ; he
noticed that one evening the said women did not go
to bed before eleven o'clock, and that they showed
temper because they had not, as usual, heard the
newsvendor's cries. He also stated that four civilians
— Lepitre, Bruneau, Toulan, and Vincent — during
the time of their guard in the apartments were in the
habit of approaching the said women and holding
conversations with them in a low voice. . . .' ^

^ Toulan.

* National Record Office, W 296, No. 261 : Document con-
tained in the iron safe.

I90 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

In spite of this denunciation Lepttre was not
called as an accused person during the trial : they
wished to try the Queen alone, and with a Machia-
vellian forecast they hoped that her old accom-
plices would charge her, as it was supposed they
would be anxious to save their own lives by over-
whelming Marie Antoinette. That is why on that
day Lepttre appeared merely as a witness. His case
was put aside for a later period.

He had made up his mind to deny everything ;
and this plan succeeded as well as it had a few
months earlier before Hubert.

He stated that he had seen the accused at the
Temple, when he was at the Temple in his quality
of notable commissioner for the [provisional muni-
cipality, but that he had never had any private con-
versation with her, nor spoken to her in the
absence of his colleagues.

' Did you not sometimes talk politics with her ? '
asked the president.

* Never,' he replied.

* Have you not procured for her the means of
hearing news by sending every day a newsvendor
who called the evening paper near the Temple
Tower?'

*No.'

Then the president, addressing the accused,
asked, * Have you any remarks to make on the
witness's statement ? '

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 191

The accused : * I have never held any conversa-
tion with the witness ; besides, I had no need for
newsvendors to be sent near the Tower ; I heard
enough of them every day when they passed the
Rue de la Corderie. . . .' ^

Again the judges showed Lepltre a few gold
coins, miniature portraits of the Princesses of Hesse
and Mecklenburg, friends of the Queen from her
childhood, and asked him if he had seen them
before- He pretended he did not know them,
although the Queen had shown them to him several
times. This was all ; the judges were satisfied
with an examination which had lasted twelve
minutes, and Lepttre was taken back to Sainte-
P61agie.2

Although Toulan was absent, his name was
mentioned at various times during the examination
of diflFerent witnesses.

Hubert remembered the hat incident. At
another time he found in Madame Elisabeth's room
a hat which was recognised as having belonged to
Louis Capet. This discovery did not allow him
any longer to doubt that among his colleagues
there were men capable of degrading themselves to
the point of serving tyranny. He remembered
that one day Toulan had come with his hat on into

* Histaire Parlementairede la RivoluHon Fran^aise^ by Buchez
and Roux, vol. xxiv. pp. 376, 377.

' Quelgues Souvenirs^ by Lepitre, p. 64.

192 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

the Tower and had left bareheaded, saying that he
had lost his hat.^

Jean Fran9ois Mathey, gatekeeper at the Temple
Tower, stated —

* 1 even one day heard Toulan say to the
accused, referring to the new elections for the
reorganisation of the municipality, ** Madame,
I have not been re-elected because I am a
Gascon." '

The witness had also observed that Lepttre and
Toulan very often came together, and that they used
to go up at once, saying, *Let us go upstairs ; we shall
there wait for our colleagues/

The president to Marie Antoinette : * Have
you not given a gold box to Toulan ? '

* No, neither to Toulan nor to anyone else/
Hubert interfered again. A commissioner of the

peace had brought to him in the prosecutor's office
of the Commune an accusation signed by two clerks
of the tax collector's office,^ at the head of which
was Toulan, which announced^ this feet in the
plainest way, whilst proving that he had boasted of
it himself in the office,^

These statements tended to prove an under-
standing between the Queen and Toulan. At the
time not much attention was paid to them, for it was

1 Lts Crimes de Marie Antoinette^ by L. Prudhomme, p. 408.
' He probably means the office for emigrants' property.
^ He must have meant 'mentioned.'
^ Les Crimes de Marie Antainette^ by L. Prudhomme, p. 509.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 193

difficult to charge them as crimes against the prisoner.
They were destined to be used later against Toulan.

The Queen had the misfortune to be fatal to all
her friends, and her trial was not to end without
giving a new proof of this.

The reader will remember that when Marie
Antoinette gave a mission from France to the
Chevalier de Jarjayes she wrote to him that she
was keeping his wife, but that she took * a formal
engagement to give her back to him if it were
possible.* This restriction was more than necessary :
the Queen of France could no longer keep her
formal engagements.

Madame de Jarjayes had remained in Paris.

On October 1 5 the trial was over ; the accused
was unanimously convicted and sentenced to
death.

Marie Antoinette wished to give Madame de
Jarjayes a token of her deep affection and to send
this courageous woman a last proof of her gratitude.
Before leaving the court she asked one of her
counsel, Tronson du Coudray, to give Madame de
Jarjayes the two gold earrings which she was wearing
and a lock of her hair.

The suspicious Commune mistrusted even the
counsel whom it had appointed for the accused.
Tronson du Coudray was searched as he was going
out. The earrings were found on him. The
paper in which they were wrapped bore the name of

o

194 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Madame de Jaija^s. She was immediately arrested
and sent to La Force.^

The Queen had been brought back to the Con-
ciergerie. The following day, October 16, at
twelve o'clock, she mounted the scaffold.

* Prids by the Baron de Goguelat, p. 82.

195

CHAPTER V

Toulan leaves Paris on October 7 — Neuilly-sur-Mame — ^Antedated
Passport — He returns to Paris — Signals — His Imprudence —
Madame Elisabeth's Recommendation — Interview with Turgy
— ^Toulan's Last Letter — Last Answer, which does not Reach
him — Flight from Paris — Corbeil — The Auxerre Coach —
La Charity — ^Toulouse.

What had become of Toulan while these grave
events were taking place ?

Having escaped, thanks to his audacity and also
to a happy concurrence of circumstances, from the
men who had come to arrest him, he had then
realised that staying in Paris was becoming ex-
tremely dangerous for him. His situation might
not always be as favourable, and if he 'were arrested
a second time it would then be impossible for him
to evade a sentence, not to say certain death.

The most ordinary prudence obliged him to go.

He no longer hesitated, and at ten o'clock in the

morning of the very day of his abortive arrest he

went to Neuilly-sur-Marne, to a friend's house. At

that period it was necessary to have a passport in

order to avoid being treated as a suspect, which

meant imprisonment. He hoped to find one in

that locality.

02

196 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

The friend to whom Toulan had applied
succeeded beyond expectation. He brought him
back the following document : —

* In the name of the Republic one and
indivisible.

* Neuilly-sur-Marne Municipality.

^We, the Mayor and municipal officers of the
Commune of Neuilly-sur-Marne, Gonesse district,
Department of Seine-et-Oise, certify that the
citizen Fran9ois Toulan, a native of Toulouse,
Department of the Haute-Garonne, aged thirty-
three, height five feet, brown eyes, ordinary face,
bulging forehead, mouth medium size, flat nose, is
really an inhabitant of this commune, where he
possesses landed property, and he has resided on it,
having for the last year lived a retired life. He is an
excellent citizen, having proved it in Paris as well
as here ; and he has stated to us that he wishes to
go to his native place on business, passing through
Auxerre, Moulins, Clermont, Rhodez, &c., in order
to be present at the allotting of an inheritance in
which he is interested, and he has shown us
letters proving this. Consequently we request our
brethren in the departments which are on his route
and others to let him pass freely, lend him their aid
and assistance if necessary, as he deserves it, and as
we ourselves would do on their recommendation.
*Done in our common house on the sixth day

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 197

of the month of October of the second year of
the French Republic one and indivisible.

^Blancpain, municipal officer ; [an illegible name ;]
Hesson, Mayor ; Campion, officer ; Benolt ; Dulion.

*Seen, certified as correct by us, the adminis-
trators of the directory of the Gonesse districts,
the seventh of October of the second year of the
French Republic.

*Baudoin, Braver, Laurent.'^

All the statements contained in this document
were untrue except the name and description of the
bearer. Toulan had never been a proprietor in
Neuilly-sur-Marne, still less had he resided there
during the past year. The pretext of a succession
to be divided was perhaps true, although it would
appear that it did not concern him, but his sister.

The friend had been careful to have the passport
antedated, so that Toulan was supposed to have
spent the previous day at Neuilly-sur-Marne, which
would enable him, if necessary, to deny that he wSis
aware there was a warrant against him.

These precautions having been taken, Toulan
waited. He could not tear himself from Paris and the
dear beings whom he was leaving there — not only
his family, but those whom he had made his friends
through devotion and affliction. He could not
bring himself to leave.

^ This and the following documents have been taken from
Tonlan's dossier^ National Record Office, W 400, No. 927.

198 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

As three days later he had not been molested he
felt reassured by the inaction of the police and
started ; but instead of going away from danger he
went to Paris. Whether it was to defy the
Government which he had so often and so easily
deceived, whether it was to correspond a last time
with the prisoners whom he was on the point of
abandoning for ever, or whether it was for this double
motive at the same time, he could not resist the
pleasure of committing such a frightful imprudence.

Having returned to Paris, he did not conceal
himself much. He ran to his room near the
Temple, and there, again taking his horn, he sent
to Madame Elisabeth the agreed signal, with
such fierce boldness that he frightened the prisoner
herself. She sent Turgy to him at once —
Turgy, who was on the point of being dismissed
from the Temple ^by the Commune, and who had
just informed her of the imminence of such a
measure.

* October 1 1, 1793, a quarter past 2.

*I am very sad. Reserve yourself for a time
when we shall be happier and when we shall be able
to reward you. Take with you the consolation that
you have served faithfully your good and unfortu-
nate masters. Advise Fiddle not to risk his own
safety too much by signalling to us. Should you
by chance see Madame Mallemain give her news

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 199

from us and tell her that I think of her. Good-bye,
honest man and feithful subject.'^

Without losing any time Turgy hastened to
Toukn. The latter related to him all the episodes
of the last few days, and entrusted him with a note
for Madame Elisabeth, in which he gave her an
account of his arrest and escape, and sent a supreme
expression of his devotion and faithfulness. Turgy
was able to fulfil this mission. On the follow-
ing day the Princess sent him the note given below.

* October 12, 1793, 2 o'clock.

* . . . This [a note] is for FidHe. Tell him that
I am convinced of his feelings. I thank him for the
news he has given me. I feel deeply sorry for what
has happened to him. . . .' ^

But this time Turgy was not able to obey
Madame Elisabeth's order. Toulan had not
waited ; FidMe never received the last note which
was intended for him. The Revolution had at
last mastered his devotion.

He had left Paris for good on October 11. A
longer delay might have rendered useless the pass-
port he had so fortunately obtained at Neuilly-sur-
Marne, and he had at last made up his mind to take
the journey mentioned in his passport. In the
evening of the nth he presented himself at the

^ FragmentSy by Turgy, p. 279. » Ibid. p. 380.

200 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Communal House of Corbeil, where he had his
passport vis^. He then took the coach from Corbeil
to Auxerre, on the way to Toulouse.

He seemed quite bright over his journey, and
not in the least concerned. He talked willingly
with his fellow travellers, who gave him the latest
news ; one of them showed him a newspaper. He
had the satisfaction of reading in it the denunciation
concerning himself. He thus saw that he was
accused of having had secret conversations with the
prisoners at the Temple. To tell the truth, he
expected as much ; but the Gascon was quite himself
again, and could laugh at his dangers ; he enjoyed
this singular subject of conversation. His lively,
energetic, and bold nature did not belie itself.

He followed closely the route indicated in his
passport. After Auxerre he passed through La
Charit6 on the 15th, as is shown by the endorse-
ment on his passport, and he continued his journey
by Moxilins, Clermont, and Rodez. About
October 20 he arrived at Toulouse.

Once in his native place, in the midst of his rela-
tives and friends, he believed that he was at last in
safety.

20I

CHAPTER VI

The Rumour of the Accusation has preceded Toulan at Toulouse —
Danger of Staying longer in that Town — He thinks of Fleeing
— Falsified Passport— Departure from Toulouse on October 26
— Arrival in Bordeaux — The Miserable House on the Quay at
Royan— Public Writer — The Romance of * Rosalie.'

Toulan's illusion that he was sheltered from the
vengeance of the Commune was not of long duration.
He had hardly arrived when he heard from his
friends that he had not been forgotten in Toulouse,
and that his fame had preceded him there, so that no
one in that town was ignorant either of the post
he had filled in Paris or of the accusations directed
against him ; and, as he was not without enemies,
he would have been exposed to the greatest incon-
venience — not to say peril — by staying longer in
Toulouse.

LepJtre, who was not over-grieved at having been
arrested, because it flattered his vanity, might have
challenged such glorious dangers ; but Toulan was
not inclined to change one evil for another ; besides,
he had grown wiser, and therefore he thought at once
of leaving Toulouse. He had not given the slip to
the Paris police and deceived the Conimune in order,

202 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

like a fool, to be arrested by his fellow-citizens in
his own native place.

Taught by the above revelation that it woxild be
dangerous for him to travel under his own name,
which was a well-known one, he set to work to
obtain a new passport which should enable him to
conceal his identity. His safety depended upon it.

Although he had in Toulouse a larger circle of
friends than at Neuilly-sur-Marne, none of them
could or would render him the service he asked for.
He was obliged to appeal to a woman's kindness.

Who was this woman who, at such a critical
moment, was willing to come to his aid ? The
question is a very difficult one to solve ; but,
thanks to letters which were found at a later
period among Toxilan's papers, one can form a
conjecture which, in default of an impossible
certainty, presents at least an air of great proba-
bility.

Without being a handsome man, Toulan knew
how to captivate women. His sarcastic wit, his
constant good humour, won for him admiration and
sometimes affection. He had not only left male
friends in Toulouse, he had also lady friends, lady
relatives, companions of his childhood. Among
the latter were two sisters — one who was called and
signed her name * Belon,' and the other whose name
was Rosalie.

Rosalie's correspondence paints her as a woman

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 203

of lively imagination, very charitable, and incapable
of refusing her favours to anyone who asked for them
properly. Brought up in the old principles, but
having embraced the new ideas, she had made a
rather strange, if somewhat agreeable, mixture of
both ; and this mixture had given her a rather piquant
conception of morals, of love, and even of marriage,
which was not without originality.

Toxilan, a nice fellow and a fine talker, had found
this old friend again. His situation was a terrible
one, and would not admit of troublesome scruples.
He put them aside, and sang a lover's song to
Rosalie's ears. Rosalie was not deaf : she listened
complacently to his voice, and replied the best way
she could.

While talking of love the Gascon confessed he
was obliged to conceal himself for the present, per-
haps even to flee. His life was at stake. If he
could only get a passport with another name than
his I Flattered by the passion of a man who was so
near the scaflTold, Rosalie understood what she had
to do. She went to the Communal House and asked
for and received a passport in the name of Rosalie
Mestre. Was this her own name or an assumed one ?
I cannot say. However that may be, whether her
declaration was true or not, the clerk accepted it.
What caused his mistake when he wrote 'Rose
Alimestre ' ? This is of slight importance. Rosalie
herself carefully avoided making any remark on the

204 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

subject — ^that is, if we take it for granted that she
noticed it. Was not Toulan to alter the passport,
so as to suit his sex, description, and route ?

Here is the document, with the alterations made
by the ex-commissioner : —

* No. 3093. Municipality ^

of
Toulouse.

The Nation,

Liberty and Equality.

Department of Haute-Garonne, Toulouse Dis-
trict, Municipality of Toulouse. Let pass Citizen
Koch Alimestre, residing at Toulouse, municipality
of Toulouse, district of Toulouse, Department of
Haute-Garonne, aged ihiny^&vey height five feet . . .
inches, hair and eyebrows dark, eyes the same, nose
Very Flat, mouth medium size, chin round, fore-
head ordinary, face oval, and give him assistance in
case of need.

^ Given at the Communal House of Toulouse,
the twenty-sixth of October, 1793, the second year

of the French Republic one and indivisible ; he has
signed and declared to us that he is going to
Bordeaux.

^ The passport is printed, except the words which are under-
lined in dotted lines; these are in handwriting. The italics
represent the alterations made by Toulan.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 205

* RoQUER, mApal ofF' ; Muzaigne, notable ;
CouDER, mu^ olP.

* SouLfes, clerk.

* Rocallimestre '

(Here a name is erased and replaced by shapeless
signs, under which can be detected a few letters of
the word * Rosalie.')

The ink having become paler, and the paper
being thinner in places, owing to the scratching, one
can easily detect the parts which Toulan altered. Thus
one can see that originally there were the words
citoyenne ^ Rose Alimestre ; ^ the word thirty replaces
probably Paoenty ; as for the words Very Flat with two
capital letters, it is easy to see that they were written
above other words, as well as Bordeaux. The glazing
of the paper having disappeared through scratching,
the ink has soaked in, and it is impossible to decipher
the original words except a few letters, r and e in Bien
Ecrazd (very flat), and likewise r and e in Bordeaux.
The word le-quel (he) has clearly replaced la-quelle.

On the left-hand side at the bottom there is a
series of shapeless letters and down strokes which
hide an erasure. One can, however, still see a
capital R and an a^ something like the skeleton of
the word Rosalie. She must have been requested to

" Or rather citoyene,

' Or Ros alimestre^ according to Toulan's statement in his
examination. Yet this may have been only a mistake of the clerk
who filled up the passport.

2o6 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

sign the passport at the town hall. Afterwards it
was found necessary to erase this signature, which
did not correspond even with the words Rose
Alimestre.

Next to this scribbling can be read the word
notable. Toulan probably wished to make people
believe that this badly written signature was that of
a witness not clever at writing.

After this he signed Rocallimestre in one word.

How can this strange spelling be explained,
above all on the part of a man who was fairly well
educated, and who as a rule wrote very correctly ?
Many reasons can be given for this, and they are so
natural that they must be true.

In the first place, Toulan did not care to pass
for a well-educated man. He knew that ignorant
and common people were not so much suspected as
others. Besides, as he had scratched out the word
* Rose ' and replaced it by * Roch,' he had some reason
to fear that this alteration might be discovered. By
signing Rocallimestrey which, phonetically, was the
same name, he did not materially alter the first
statement, and in the second place he avoided being
suspected of having made the erasure himself. One
might believe that the clerk to whom he had spelt his
name did not hear properly or did not understand,
and that he could not himself correct the mistake.
The other misspelling can be explained in a siniilar
manner.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 207

If this was Toiilan's reasoning, subsequent facts
showed that he was right. His passport, badly
written as it was, served his purpose just as well as
one in due form. On October 26 the Gascon left
Toulouse and started for Bordeaux, where he arrived
quickly and safely.

He took up his quarters with a man called
Babein, a lodging-house keeper ; but being short
of money and unable to get any for a few days, not
even knowing whether his wife and his lady cousin
Ricard, who had remained in Paris, would be pre-
pared to send him any, he thought of taking up a
trade of some kind which might enable him to live.

Having neither friends nor money, a new-comer
in a town which he hardly knew, as he had stayed
there only a short time in his youth, there were few
professions open to him ; so that, like Figaro, with
whom he had so many points of resemblance, he
started as a public scribe. He wrote a fine hand, and
his new vocation required nothing but a pen and
paper. He rented No. 47 on the quay at Royan —
a wooden hut — wrote on the door the name of Roch
Allimesire^ called himself a public scribe, and awaited
customers.

They came. Among the Bordeaux population
there are many working men and sailors who, even
more at that time than nowadays, were not versed in
the art of letter-writing. Thus Toulan had to write
out letters and petitions. He did not do it badly

2o8 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

either, judging from the rough draft of one of
these petitions which is written on the back of a
letter he had received. It was a request to a
Deputy — this proves that such solicitations are not
new — ^from a sailor in favour of his wife.

* The citizen Joseph Peyrefort, master carpenter
on the barge " La Commission," Captain Villedieu,
wishes to state that his wife, the citizen Marie
Cantinaire, living at Rochefort, came to join him at
Bordeaux, as she had heard a rumour, which was a
false one, stating that he had been dismissed from
that ship ; but having heard that this was not true,
and intending to go back to Rochefort, she would
like to be allowed to make the return journey on
board the boat on which her husband sails. The
citizen captain is willing to take her on board, but
would like to be authorised to do so by the citizens*
representative of the people. Peyrefort asks you,
therefore, for this sanction ; he is deserving of it for
his zeal in fulfilling his duty, and expects it from a
representative who likes to oblige his patriots.

* Salut et fraternity.'

Toxilan had also a stock of letters in the grand
style. On the 2oth of Pluvi6se, year II. — February 8,
1794 — he drew up a letter for an aunt, in which are
to be found sentences like the following : —

* I was very anxious on your account when your
letter reached me ; your silence was grieving me.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 209

I was afraid you might be ill, you whom I love above
all, and this thought prevented me from enjoying
a moment's peace. At last your letter comes. I
think that I shall find comfort ; I open it, and see
that you are ill. I am very much afraid that you
are concealing part of the truth from me, and
that you are worse than you say . . .

*. . . I hope you will answer me as soon as your
occupations allow you to do so ; you will thus
fulfil the wishes of him who glories in being your
friend rather than your nephew.'

Toxilan had hardly arrived in Bordeaux when
he wrote to the person who had most contributed
to the success of his journey — and that person was
Rosalie.

We know this from the fact that he received at
his small house, No. 47, on the quay at Royan a
letter addressed to the * Citizen Alimestre.' It bore
on the outside — for at that time envelopes were not
used — the word * Toulouse,' stamped with a blank
stamp, and dated November 3, 1793.

This letter is not signed, and it is written in
disguised handwriting, but the address is dis-
tincdy in the handwriting of Rosalie, as she signs
herself in another letter; the word * Alimestre' is
spelt with a single /, and that / has a peculiar
and special shape to be found only in Rosalie's
writing.

Therefore, the graphological signs being identical,

2IO A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

the material resemblance is established Moreover,
the quickness with which the answer came proves
that Toulan had hastened to give his address.
Besides, to whom could he have applied if not to the
person who was already aware of his assumed name ?

What still more strengthens such conjectures is
that the letter is in the third person and in an
ambiguous style. It was probably intended to
prevent other people from understanding the con-
tents, as well as to blind the police. This last
design is still more manifest in the entirely political
passage with which the letter ends.

It must be remembered that the Girondins had
lately been sent to the scaffold— on October 31. It
was not safe to be looked upon as one of their parti-
sans, in Bordeaux above all. Toulan*s correspondent
frees him from any possible blame by writing the
following short passage, which would be read by the
police : * The Assembly has taken strong measures
and does us justice. I think that we shall be happy,
and shall triumph over all obstacles. Justice has been
done on twenty-two Deputies who were betraying us,
so that the others will perhaps be wiser. All this is
necessary for the maintenance of order, without
which we should be lost. I close by kissing you,
and beg you will^believe me for life your co-citizen
RiCHARDET. This 3rd of November, 1793.*

Toulan thanked in an appropriate manner the
lady who had signed herself for life his * co-citizen

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 211

Richardet,* but who hardly was so, as far as he
knew. As a gallant man he knew how to flatter
the young woman's heart, for she replied, in a
fine, widely spaced handwriting, by the following
letter : —

*My dear Friend, — How I enjoyed your
letter ; I was particularly pleased to hear that you
had arrived safely. Your brother must have been
delighted to see you, and I was grieved at not being
able to enjoy any more the pleasure of being near
the one I love. This is a painful confession for my
modesty to make, but, as my heart has dictated the
words, I leave them, trusting that you will not use
them against me. I do not know if your sister
intends to come. I forward you one of her letters,
which was received here, hoping it will please
you. ... Is one at present better than you said
in your last letter ? Doubtless the representatives
of the people are aiming at the means.

* Alimestre did right in renting a shop in order to
earn something. One must live, and although I know
his saving disposition he has not talent enough to
bring something out of nothing. I forwarded your
letter to your sisters at the Paradoux : they told
me they would have liked to be able to do more.
As fir my self y it is too good of you to set such a high
value on the little attentions I gave you. They were
dictated by friendship and the warmest interest. They

P2

212 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

were accepted with the same feelings ; therefore we
are quits. Belon is far more deserving of your
praise. Working incessandy under her father's and
mother's eyes, she tries to give them, with the help
of their own work, the necessaries of life. Is there
anjrthing more beautiful ? Good-bye, dear friend.
All those who interest you are in good health.
* 1 am your sweetheart,

* Rosalie.
* November 25, old style.'

After this confession which had escaped her
heart, but which, being made in a letter, could not
have escaped her unknowingly, the cunning Gascon
apparendy understood her meaning : it was a direct
invitation to go ahead — ^for confessions are never
made if not to call for confidences in response.

When in Toulouse he was free to act the part of
a lover ; but in Bordeaux it would have been silly
to go on with it, since the play could not end with a
marriage, as he was already married, nor with
its counterfeit, as he did not wish it. Unable to
answer in the same tone, and unwilling to offend a
friend by himself tearing away the veil, he was silent
and kept quiet.

The impetuous Rosalie, who had been so hasty
in her rapture at meeting again in Toulouse the
ex-member of the Commune, was none the less
quick in understanding what was passing in his

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 213

mind. Seeing he did not return her afFection she
turned another way. She probably had another
lover in store. Once her mind was made up she
informed Toulan of this in a note which must
have been written under her dictation by a public
scribe.

* From Toulouse : December 1 1, 1793,
old style.

* Dear Citizen, — Your Rosalie, the same to
whom you opened your heart — well, would you
believe it, has already disposed of her hand ; and
in favour of whom ? 1 will tell you his name. I
feel that you will never know him better, but your
absence, your estrangement induced me to take
this decision. I must confess that my choice is in
keeping with my tastes, and I shall be happy if
Citizen Lafont, the one who was clever enough to
take your place, proves that his love is as constant
as mine ; he promised it to me when we signed
the marriage settlement ; to-morrow we are to
swear it to each other at the altar.

*I must tell you that this marriage seems to
please the parents of both of us, and this is a double
satisfaction for all parties concerned.

* Good-bye, my dear friend. Pray the Lord for
me ; you know what faith I put in your prayers.

* As you might make some mistake with regard
to this Lafont, he is the eldest son of Citizen Lafont

214 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

the hairdresser, a friend of your father's ; he takes
the liberty to assure you that he feels great pleasure
at entering into our £nnily, and at the same time
begs you will let him hear from you. His address
is Citizen Lafont, ladies' hairdresser, Rue Pharaon,
5th Section, No. 132.

* Father, mother, and my sister send their
kindest regards,

* And I am your sweetheart,

* Rosalie Lafont.'

Rosalie, as may be seen, wrote this note with
more than one purpose : she was not sorry to inform
Toulan that she had not been long in finding a
substitute for him, and to give him to understand
that she was first in detaching herself. She was also
anxious that he * should not make any mistake with
regard to this Lafont.' It is always awkward for
a woman when her husband knows her to have
been the * sweetheart' of another man. She thus
appealed to Toulan's tact, so that he might spare
her any annoyance, and consequently she sent him
the necessary information.

The Gascon must have had a good laugh over
the letter of his Rosalie, above all when he read
the sentence where she spoke of an * affection as
constant as her own' to the man for whom she
had found a substitute so soon after having
made such a tender confession. This was for him a

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 2 1 5

splendid opportunity to give free scope to his caustic
fancy, and this time he answered in a manner fit to
soothe the fears of the ladies' hairdresser's newly
wedded wife.

This letter, which unfortunately has not been
preserved, must have been a pleasant joke concealed
under charming and flattering words. We do not
know whether he promised the young wife to offer
to God those prayers in which she put so much
faith ; it is, however, certain that he reassured her
completely concerning possible blunders, for she
answered by the following letter, a document which
savours of originality : —

* 26 Niv6se, year II. of the French
Republic — ^January 15, 1794.

* Citizen and still dear Friend, — Your praises
touch my heart and make me regret deeply your
absence. My husbandy from whom I hide nothings
and who saw your letter^ believing all the fine and
pleasant compliments you pay me^ congratulates himself
on his choice \ therefore, what would I not do in
order that the affection which he seems to have
may last } I confess, dear patriot, that I am quite
satisfied, for his disposition is good, sociable, all
that I could wish. All those who know him like
him. You can realise how I like him. Tes^ I love
him ; I love no one but him^ and during the whole of

2i6 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

my life I shall never love anybody else. However,
do not forget me. If you have any right to
my esteem I have some to yours, and 1 implore
you will continue to entertain it for me.

* Father, mother, my dear husband, my sister all
kiss you from the bottom of their hearts. Never
forget us.

^ Salut et fratemiti.

^Rosalie Lafont.'

At that time Toulan was very busy both with his
Bordeaux business and with the affidrs he had left in
Paris ; he was also anxious about his wife, for whom
he was thinking of sending. He did not think it
was necessary to continue this correspondence. He
was moved by the appellation * dear friend,* and he
did not even answer Rosalie's letter, which asked
him several questions concerning his aunt and
cousins.

The eldest sister — ^Belon — took the young wife's
place.

* The 3rd of Pluvi6se, year II. of the
French Republic — ^January 23.

^ Citizen and dear Friend, — Your Rosalie
receiving no answer to her last letter, in spite of
her desire for it, I, for my part, thought it my duty
to take pen in hand, in the hope that I might
be more fortunate than she, or that my letter

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 2 1 7

would find you more at leisure. However, I must
have an answer, and that on receipt of this . . .*

What did Toulan do ? Did he write a last
time ? Did he persevere in his silence ? No other
letter was found among his papers, neither from
Rosalie nor from Belon. We must suppose that he
stopped thdre.

Thus ended this romance, which in the midst of
the sombre events whose narrative we have under-
taken is the comic episode which destiny always places
side by side with the dramatic. It has this advan-
tage, that it shows us historical personages in their
true characters. It is, indeed, a mistake to believe
that heroes are inflexible : they are neither above
nor below the level of human nature, still less are
they outside it. But their failings, even when
known, detract nothing from the greatness which is
granted them, any more than the Himalaya Moun-
tains lose their height because they have their bases
at the level of the lowest land.

2i8 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

CHAPTER VII

Toulan settled in Bordeaux — He tries to Start in Business — His
Correspondence with his Wife and Cousin — ^Ricaid —
Ricardin — Guy.

This last correspondence and the one he is to
continue to keep up with his lady cousin Ricard
disclose with unquestionable sincerity Toulan's state
of mind at that period. We see once more how
wrong it would have been to attribute his devo-
tion to the Queen to rapturous and passionate love.
At any rate, we are obliged to confess that
the proverb which says, * Out of sight out 6f mind '
was never more really or more quickly fulfilled.
How, indeed, can one believe in the depth of a
passion the fleeting nature of which is alone apparent ?
It is impossible. The true character of this man,
as we said before, was a mixture of chivalry, courage,
and boldness. Capable of feeling compassion, he
was gentle and kind towards those who experienced
great trials ; then, helped by events, he was
gradually led to act with heroism : this he had not
anticipated at the beginning, but he was willing to
bear all its consequences, and did so with the spirit
of a southerner and the impetuosity of youth, which

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 219

concealed the real magnanimity of his soul and his
disdain of peril. When circumstances changed,
thus paralysing his efforts, he saw that his devotion
was barren and powerless, and his conscience was
satisfied that he had fulfilled his duty to the end ;
this was his comfort. When he was threatened in
his turn, his one thought was to defend his life and
to try to save it from the scaffold ; a result he had
not been able to accomplish in the case of Marie
Antoinette.

News of the Queen's death must have reached
him. Outwardly he could not alter his manner ; he
was forced to use dissimulation in order to ensure
his security. Inwardly he must have felt deep and
lively regrets, but his Gascon disposition, good-
heartedness, fondness of a joke, soon mastered his
grief, and, thanks to his strong-mindedness, Toulan
soon recovered himself. He was again the Toulan
of former days.

It is right to add that anxiety to defend his
life, added to the care of earning his daily bread,
did not leave him much time for dark melancholy
or prolonged sadness.

Besides, he was fond of his. wife. His first
thought was to enquire about her fate ; later on he
would send for her, and would work hard, so as to
shorten the time of separation.

He wrote to her, but, as she could not write, she
asked their cousin Ricard to answer his letters for her.

220 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

^My dear Cousin, — I beg you will not be
anxious concerning the fate of the citizen Bichette :
she has been staying with me for more than the
last six weeks. She is a little better now, having
been ill on account of not receiving news from her
husband. She was extremely pleased with the letter
you sent her . . .

* You may well think that she does not intend
to go to her friends ; she wishes to wait until further
orders. Would you please tell her husband
this ?

*She is resolved to stay in Paris, unless her
husband writes to her that he has a good situation,
capable of enabling them to live without care.

* As I have moved I send you my new address
— Citizen Ricard, care of Citizen Finot, No. 1030
Grande Rue Verte.* ^

Although this letter bears no date it is evident
that it was the first written by Madame Ricard.
It says, in fact, that Bichette — 2l familiar name
which must mean Toulan's wife — has been with her
for the last six weeks. Toulan having started on
October 1 1, this gives as a probable date the end of
November. All the other letters are dated, and the
earliest date is December 8.

Moreover, Madaipe Ricard says that Bichette
was very ill because she did not receive news from

^ I may remind the reader that houses were numbered by
sections and not by streets.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 221

her husband. A regular correspondence having been
established between Bordeaux and Paris, this com-
plaint could only have been made in the first letter
sent to Toulan.

Lastly, Madame Ricard gives in it her new
address. Toulan wrote probably to her old abode,
which she had left, just as Bichette must have for-
saken the Rve Monceau-Saint-Gervais, where she
was no longer in safety after the attempt at an arrest
in the beginning of October.

Before we give the other letters, it is necessary, in
order to make them clear, to say who this cousin
Ricard was. She has been mentioned before, when
we spoke of Toulan*s friend, the same who was
mixed up with the plot, and who was, it must be
remembered, to play the part of the lamplighter.

The truth does not come out clearly at the first
reading of these letters. At first there are several
difficulties in the way. I shall mention merely those
which are caused by the complete absence of punc-
tuation and by the strangely fanciftil spelling of the
writer. These are merely material difficulties which
can be easily solved with a little care and knowledge.
Here are, however, a few specimens of her
style : —

* Ci tu veux que je tenvoy ton ta Bac par Le
caros avec ton abit et cris Lemois . . .*

* Sito que cesera fait je te La feray passer avec
tout ce que tu me demande ainsi qun a Bit . . .'

222 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

* Je te prie de me mettre une envelope quand tu
man et crira tan . . .' ^

There are other and more considerable difficulties
which, for the most part, come from the precautions
taken by Madame Ricard in order to speak in an
ambiguous manner of what might implicate Toulan,
and dso from her disguised language, which was in-
tended to put the police off the track, who, as we
know, are at all times great openers of letters.
Hence surnames, strange appellations, veiled expres-
sions, sous-entendus. Usually she calls Toulan her
cousin, though in one letter she calls him her dear
brother ; sometimes she says * you,* and at other
times * thou.*

What sort of a woman was she ?

Madame Ricard was a cousin of Toulan's. She

was married and had a child ; but though she kept

her child with her, her husband had left France for

* the Islands ' — i.e. for San Domingo. His departure

dated from July 1792. Being thus forsaken, she

came nearer to the Toulan couple, and from the first

felt a very strong affection for the wife and great

admiration for the husband. Outside the halo of glory

which he derived from his important dignity, the

municipal official's humour and disposition pleased

^ * Si tu veUx que je t'envoie ton tabac par le cairosse avec ton
habit, ^cris-le moi . . .'

* Si t6t que ce sera fait, je te la ferai passer avec tout ce que tu
demandes, ainsi qu'un habit.'

* Je te priede me mettre une en veloppe quand tum'en^crirastant.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 223

his cousin. She, for her part, shows in her letters a
very similar disposition to that of Toulan,

Of a bold nature and quick intellect, Madame
Ricard used the strong and straightforward speech
of the common people. She did not scorn a joke,
especially a spicy one ; nothing embarrassed her. She
knew how to get out of trouble in the most difficult
circumstances ; when necessary she was sharp, cunning,
and full of resources. Nothing could daunt her good
humour, and on this point she must have been able
to rival the Gascon and to enliven a home to which
the gentle Bichette, Toulan's wife, brought her
quieter kindness and more artless intellect.

What relation to Madame Ricard was the man
whom Turgy calls * M. Ricard, that friend of
Toulan's,' of whom Eckard speaks as * a friend of
Toulan's,' and whom Lepltre describes as ^ M. Guy,
a clerk in Toulan's office' ?

The similarity between the names has led people
to suppose that this Ricard, improperly called Guy
by Lepltre, was merely the husband of the lady
cousin Ricard, and they stopped at this simple inter-
pretation. A more careful study and thorough
investigation forbid one to adopt such an opinion.
The following seems to us the only plausible one.

This man was a clerk in Toulan's office. As for
his name, it may have been Guy, as says Lepltre, or
perhaps Ricard. There is no reason why he should
not have been a relative of the husband of Toulan's

224 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

cousin ; it is, again, possible that he bore the same
name, Ricard being a rather common one. There
is still a last explanation, not in the least improbable,
if we consider Ae customs and manners of the time ;
that is, that he may have been called Ricard merely
on account of his assiduous attentions to the young
woman.

Indeed, if the latter had for Toulan a deep
admiration, her namesake felt a passionate reverence
for Madame Ricard. It was, in reality, this feeling
which prompted him so lightly to endanger his own
life in the attempts made to save the Queen, although
he hardly knew Marie Antoinette. What better
means had he to please this woman than to imitate
and equal her cousin ?

Did she yield to him or did she limit herself to
promising to become his wife after she should have
obtained a divorce from the husband who had forsaken
her ? This is a doubtful point. » But those who were
not in the secret may have put a false construction on
a situation which was not very clear, and called Ricard
Madame Ricard's lover. Whatever the truth may
be she kept this man in her house after Toulan's
departure, and in her letters she speaks of him some-
times as Ricardin, sometimes as Ricardet. At other
times she gives him a charming and picturesque sur-
name, smart in its fancifulness and very much in keeping
with her character : she calls him * her day husband.'

This last explanation is the only one which is in

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 225

accordance with the letters found on Toulan at Bor-
deaux, letters which are kept at the National Record
Office. If, on the contrary, one keeps to the other
version, there are many difficulties that need ex-
planation. How could the young woman say on
January 2 that her husband had left the Islands
eighteen months before ? Why should she ask
Toulan on December 12 to send letters to her
husband by boat or through sailors going to San
Domingo ?

It must not be forgotten that at the beginning
of October — on the 7th — Ricard helped Toulan to
escape, and it would not have been possible for him
to leave Paris, reach a seaport, embark, arrive in San
Domingo, write to his wife, and receive her answer
in the time between October 7 and December 12,
or two months and five days, at an epoch when
steam was unknown, when travelling on land was
done by coach and on sea by sailing vessels.

Again, how could Madame Ricard write on
February 12 that she had had news of her husband
through Deputies delegate for the island of San
Domingo, and that he filled there the post of clerk
to the court of justice, with a salary of 4,000 livres
a year ? For it was improbable that a new-comer
could acquire such a good situation on landing
from the boat by which he had come.

As she repeatedly speaks of Ricardin and of her
* day husband,' who accompanies her and Toulan's

Q

226 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

wife, and follows and helps them during those
December, January, and February months of
1793-4, how can we believe that Ricard, who is
at San Domingo, and whom she calls her husband
without any qualification, is an imaginary being
whom she had invented ? On what occasion, or for
what purpose, should she have done so ?

Moreover, if this were the case, would she have
troubled herself about him, or about the precarious
state in which he had left her and hor son ? She
wishes *he would send them some sous.^ This is
certainly not invented to blind the police. In that
case she would not speak in the same letters of
Ricardin, of Ricardet, and of her * day liusband.'

Her application for a divorce, about which she
writes to Toulan on January 2, would also have to
be an invention. What would be the use of the
particulars she gives regarding her marriage settle-
ment, which she cannot show, because it is in her
writing-desk, and seals are placed upon it ? She
even says that she is going to bestir herself in order
to have the seals removed and bring this aflair to a
close. Lastly, on January 26, she is proud to inform
her cousin that she has obtained her divorce. What
could be the reason for such a comedy ?

As the reader will see, there are numerous
objections to the general belief, and, what is
worse, it involves many impossibilities. If, on the
contrary, one gives, as I have done, a simple and

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 227

natural meaning to Madame Ricard's own sayings,
interpreting only a few obscure points, one is able
to explain facts in a more reasonable way and, in
my opinion, in the only way.

If we recognise and admit the situation as ex-
plained, the correspondence between Toulan and his
cousin becomes quite clear.

The first letters refer to the most urgent things ;
each for his own part wishes to be reassured on the
other's lot. How are the women living in Paris,
where they remained with Ricardin ? How does
the fugitive manage in Bordeaux, the large town
where he is alone ? He left Paris with his affairs
more or less entangled — first his bookseller's busi-
ness, then his partnership with Fondard — Madame
Ricard calls him Fondu, i.e. * melted ' — for the settle-
ment of claims against the emigrants.

Cousin Ricard, who is the more sensible and
better educated woman of the two, writes the letters.
It is most regrettable that we have not those of
Toulan, for they would have been precious
documents. We are obliged to fill the gap by
guessing what they were from an attentive reading
of Madame Ricard's letters which formed the
answers.

And although all the things of which she
speaks are not of great importance, it is good and
useful to give numerous extracts. These letters
have a very peculiar savour and are invaluable for

Q2

228 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

the historian. Thejr show how people could live,
joke, and laugh even at the time of the Terror,
when scaffolds were erected everywhere, when
accusations threatened every life, and were never
fruitless. The letters are a new proof of the
disposition I have attributed to Toulan ; they show
him always equal to himself in the most critical
circumstances. With regard to this, what better
testimony can we invoke than those letters written
offhand, and which, in the thought of both the
sender and the receiver, were not destined ever to
be made public ? These testimonies are certainly
not to be suspected.

Nothing less than an extraordinary chance has
brought them down to us ; we owe them, indeed,
to the very catastrophe which was the ruin of the
man to whom they were addressed.

The first letter sent by Toulan only partially
reassured the two women. The fugitive's journey
was safely accomplished ; but would he not meet in
Bordeaux with the same reception as at Toulouse ?
Was he not there short of money ? How did
he live ? Had he any furniture — z bed ? And
meanwhile what would become of his affairs in
Paris ? He had left his shop, with its stock of
goods. What was to be done with them ?

Then Madame Ricard writes to the Citizen
Alimestrey Public scribcy Quai de Royatiy No. 47, in
BordeauXy and addresses him as * dear brother.'

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 229

* Paris, December 8, 1793.

* My dear Brother, — . • . Our cousin Bichette
is very anxious about her husband ; she begs you
will let her know why he does not give news of
himself, and if he is still in the same quarters, so
that she may write to him, as she wishes to do.
She begs you to ask him what she is to do with all
that is in the passage, and especially with all her
music. . . .

* I should like to know if you have recovered
from the fatigue of your journey, for I was very
anxious about you. Let me know if your situation
is a good one, and if, later on, I shall be able to
join you. Our cousin Bichette wishes this very
much ; she is pining for you.

*You remember that a few years ago we lent
some candlesticks to Fondu ; my opinion is that we
should ask him for them. I do not know how we
stand with him, for we have had no accounts for
the last three years. . . . When you write tell me how
we stand with him, also where is the agreement you
signed to him, and does it bear both your signatures ?
Until now I have not been able to find it. He
offered me to tear them up, but I refused. If you
remain yonder and require a bed I will send you
the one which I lent to Armandette. I expect your
answer at once, for I am very anxious about you and
wish to know whether you have received what I sent
you. Good-bye ; take care of yourself. I am always

230 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

your big sister Ricardin. Our cousin Bichette
kisses you. I gave you my address in my last
letter.

^ My day husband and Rigaudon send you their
compliments, so does the lady friend of the friends.'

*This 1 2th of December, 1793.

* My dear Cousin, — In answer to your letter
without date, which we were expecting with im-
patience, all your letters reached me, but with some
delay, on account of the distance at which I live. It
was by mere chance that I went to Armandette. I
beg you to forward them [your letters] all to the
address I sent you. I cannot at present go on
the errands which you give me. I am not very
well ; I am a little feverish and have a swollen face,
but as soon as the weather is milder I shall make
a point of doing what you ask, and shall send
everything. I shall forward you a coat. I cannot
send you a uniform. When I was getting into
my new house domiciliary visits were taking place ;
your clothes were on my bed. Those gendemen
told me that it would be doing the nation a great
service to make a present of them, as levies were
being made. I thought I should be useful to my
country ; therefore some one came for them. As
for your summer clothes, 1 keep them for the
present. Your frock coat I sent to have dyed
another colour. As soon as this is done I shall

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 23 1

send it to you with all the things you ask for, as
well as your tail-coat. ...

* . . . With regard to the paper which you ask
for, I told you before that it was not possible for
me to forward it to you ; I have already told you
often enough that it was impossible for me to send
it to you ; but as soon as my affairs are settled —
and it will not be long, for it has been going
on for more than six weeks — I shall do everything.
If the administration of justice had not been stopped
it would be all over, but I had a great deal of trouble
with this suit. Most of those whom you obliged
in former days would not help me. Several of
them, however, did help me ; some of these I did
not know, yet they gave me their aid. You see,
my dear cousin, that it is very unfortunate for me
that you are not here. You would have helped me
very much. You would at least have come with
me to all the places where I must go in person.
The most trying is the going to town. Fortunately,
I have my friend with me ; he advises and follows
me everywhere. Concerning my furniture, make
yourself at ease ; when I get the authorisation my
intention is to put it in a safe place or to take it
to my house. . . .'

Next comes a paragraph difficult to understand
on account of two illegible words. A careful ex-
amination of the writing would make them look like

232 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

ihe Queen. Such a conclusion seems at first most
improbable, for in the whole of the correspondence
there is not a single word of politics, and still less
any reference to the Temple, the personages who
were incarcerated there, or the events which caused
the flight of Toulan.

On the other hand, the tone of this passage is
graver and more solemn than elsewhere. Moreover,
after these words Madame Ricard speaks of the Queen
sometimes in the masculine, sometimes in the
feminine. One is inclined to believe that it is a
question of a portrait, of which the writer speaks in
the masculine when she refers to the object itself,
and in the feminine when she means the person it
represents.

Toulan wishes to have the Queen sent to him.
The desire was as natural for him as it was unwise
to express it. But, Toulan had been too often
imprudent for us to notice his thoughtlessness,
and it would not, therefore, be an objection in
this case.

However that may be, here is the passage as I
think it reads ; I give it as thus reconstructed, but
I must make the greatest reservations when pre-
senting it : —

*I do not know why you want me to send
you the Queen. You ask the reason, and I have
already told you that it was too cruel ; but it is
in a safe place, and I hope I shall take good care

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 233

of It. Besides, it is to my interest to take good
care of her ; she will never leave me unless I go to
another country.'

Then she resumes her ordinary tone.

* I am delighted that you have received the
600 livres and opened a shop. I should like to go
there sooner than you say. It is still a long time
till June or July. Until then, my dear cousin, I
have time to grow tired of this place.

S . . My dear cousin, in the parcel I shall send
you I shall put several letters for my husband, and
you can send them by various boats or by sailors, and
you can tell them that they will be rewarded by the
person to whom they shall hand them. This person
is requested to do so, as well as to answer at once, his
wife being very anxious about him, and also to try
to send her some money. If you like, I will send
you a few almanac covers as well as all the pens I
have, and the pair of compasses.

* Good-bye, cousin. I am your cousin

* RiCARD.

* Your sweetheart Bichette kisses you with all her
heart. She deeply longs to see you. All your kind
friends remember you ; they send their kindest
regards. Sophie and Celeste Chevalier do the same.

*I beg you to use an envelope when you
write me such a long letter, because I tore part of
what you wrote about my husband. You say
nothing of Chevalier ; you must make inquiries and

234 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

say whether he is with the citizen Ricard. He was
holding a Government office.

[In the margin :] ^ Bichette says that she is
annoyed about her shop. We are going out to-day
on that account) and at the same time we shall do your
errands. It is my day husband who comes with us.'

Their situation in Bordeaux, as well as in Paris,
presented many difficulties. In Paris, where busi-
ness was very slack, the book and music-shop— left
to itself by Toulan— -could not bring in much ; on the
contrary, the rent had in any case to be paid. The
two women were doing their best to convert their
goods into money, but their activity and goodwill were
often rendered useless by the hardness of the times.
In Bordeaux the public scribe's business was not very
profitable. Toulan thought of combining with it the
sale of stationery and cockades, which more than ever,
and for many reasons, were the rage at that time.

He had sent to Paris for several articles, and
the two good women had been glad to get whatever
he wanted with the litde money they had. They
entertained the secret hope of joining Toulan in
Bordeaux if he succeeded, trusting they might enjoy
with him a less uncertain and precarious life. Thus,
whilst doing their best to overcome their financial
difficulties, they did not forget the commissions which
Toulan had given them, and by dint of skill and
cleverness they managed to send him some goods
suitable to the business he had in view.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 235

* December 19, 1793.

* My dear Cousin, — *I send by to-day's coach the
clothes for which you asked me ; they go at the same
time as your letter, but in my name. You can claim
them in the name of Ricard. We have hastened to
carry out all your commissions, with the exception of
the pocket-book, which is much more expensive than
you think. There are no more at two livres. I send
you some cockades, not as many as I should have
liked, because there were no more in the shop.
However, if you want more of the large ones, and if
you think them nice, let me know. . . .'

There follows a list of what she forwards. It
contains almanac covers, sets of dominoes, large,
small, and medium-sized cockades, rolls of red
elastic for garters, a snufF box with *his good
snufF,' &c. &c.

* Your frock coat is not yet ready ; I shall send
it to you in the next parcel, when I am able to send
you all the papers I have. As for the white garters, I
have used tliem for my petticoats, as I asked you. I
have presented myself with a pair of red ones, a
pair to Bichette, and one to old Mother Chevalier.

* I am going out to-day, my dear cousin, to
attend a femily meeting. I should have liked to
have you with me, but this is impossible. Bichette
wants to come with me ; this is a queer task I impose
upon her.

^ . . . My day husband sends you his kind regards.

236 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

as well as I, who kiss you ; not to speak of your
sweetheart Bichette, who loves you dearly. She
complains that you make her and me wear out our
shoes with all your errands, without counting the rest.
I [am] your cousin for life. * Ricard.

* I drank your health yesterday with all the friends
of whom I speak. Riviire brought us a sausage.
I send you, my cousin, three letters for my husband
in your pared.'

Her husband perhaps received the letters she
sent him, but he did not answer them ; at any rate,
he did not send her any money, and she was, and
had cause to be, very much annoyed at this. In
presence of his silence and desertion she made up
her mind to avail herself of the fecilities which had
been lately introduced into the law, and she petitioned
for a divorce.

It is at all times an important matter, and one
of great anxiety, to have dealings with lawyers.
The woman Ricard, who had no influential friends,
had to experience many diflficulties, and more
than once she regretted not having near her her
cousin Toulan, who was so active, so clever, and
so capable of clearing up the most entangled aflfairs.
She says so plainly :

* January 2, 1794.

*If the administration of justice had not been
stopped, the business would have been finished.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 237

What causes delay is that seals have been affixed to my
writing-desk, and my marriage settlement is inside ;
but in a few days I shall bestir myself to have
the seals removed and get this business settled
quickly. My divorce will be granted on the 25 th
of Nivdse [January 14], provided I can get the
seals removed. . . . My dear cousin, I appreciate
your friendship for me ; you may depend on
my gratitude. I should like very much to see my
aiKiirs settled according to my desire and my advan-
tage, but it would need a man like my dear cousin
to wind them up, for they demand some active
person. Ricardin, as you know, is a good fellow,
but he is not quick in what he does. I have been
waiting for my income for the last eighteen months
my husband has been away. . . .'

But her good humour soon gained the upper
hand, and in the midst of difficulties and straitened
circumstances she could not refrain from making
a joke. Toulan had been ill, but had recovered.
Whilst sending him his wife's and her own good
wishes for the new year, she sends him another
parcel of small stationery, among which were a good
many cockades.

She was still very anxious to start, although it
was not very wise on her part, above all, to go to
Bordeaux, where she would make her cousin's life
more difficult than it was. The day husband thought
so— very wisely. She could not resist the pleasure

238 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

of laughing at him in a pleasant manner, but she
does it with wit and piquancy — which is rather
astonishing in a common woman who had received
little education and not much learning.

* Paris, January &y 1 793.^

* My dear Cousin, — I forward you every-
thing you asked for. . . . You will see fix>m
what I send how much money I have spent, and
how it has cleared me out. I put all the bills in
the parcel, so that you may be guided by them
for your sale. I must tell you that cockades are
going to rise in price, although this time I paid the
same price for them as before ; but next time you
want any you will have to pay more for them. . . .

*As for selling my furniture, as I told you I
would, at the place which I mentioned when writing
to you, it is not possible ; I must turn my attention
to some other method of raising money.

* I cannot send you any more for the present, for
I could not find anybody to oblige me. All your
friends are very poor. When I am ready to start,
and after I have turned everything into money, you
must let me know all you want ; send me a
complete list. For my part, if nothing better is pro-
posed, I am of opinion that you must have a quantity
of cotton, ribbons, pins, everything in use at present
and indispensable ; also cockades if you want to sell

^ This is meant for 1794.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 239

them wholesale and think that you may make some-
thing by them ; but you must raise the price. . . .

^All my friends send you their compliments.
They still talk of you. They advise me to go.
My day husband alone differs in opinion ; I do not
know why. Do not be jealous of him ; you must
remember he is for the day only. Nevertheless, I
do not listen to him much. . . .

* I wish you a happy new year. I wish it better
with regard to your health, for you must not take
it into your head to have such an illness every
year ; doctors would earn too much with you.
Bichette kisses you with all her heart. She urges
you to take some strong medicine, together with
oysters, and to drink our health. Good-bye.

* I am your cousin

* RiCARDIN.*

By robbing their own Paris shop, by buying
goods here and there with their paltry resources,
and by working at their task with all their heart,
these two women, tired, worn out, and even ill, had,
however, succeeded in fitting up the small shop on
the Quai de Royan with a pretty good stock, and
Toulan began to talk of having his wife with him. He
painted the situation in sufficiendy brilliant colours,
and, after the dangers that he had encountered, he
thoroughly enjoyed the tranquil security in which
he now lived. He did not despise a good meal, or at

240 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

least oysters, which he could easily get at the sea-side ;
and, as he was not a shamefully selfish man, he used
to talk about his small orgies, seasoning them with
jokes, in which his usual talkativeness, full of mirth,
found free scope.

Cousin Ricard would have liked to share
Bichette's hope of soon leaving Paris, but being a
clever woman she understood that it was not
possible. She speaks of this with sound common
sense in a letter at the end of January.

Her divorce had just been granted. She tells
her cousin of this. Is she cheered by the thought of
it ? Whatever may be the truth, the end of her letter
is quite merry, and although she finds fault with
Toulan for his broad and somewhat coarse jokes,
which he uses too freely, she does not spare them
either. As she complains that she cannot show his
friends the Gascon's letters on account of his free
expressions we shall avail ourselves of this indirect
reproof and omit those in which she herself indulges.

* 7 Pluvidse — ^January 26.

* Armandette's brother wants to buy Voltaire's
"Henriade," ^ his "Pucelle," and the "Atlas National
of France." You must write and tell me the price,
as there is also a tradesman of the Palais Royal who
asks for it. . . .

^ She vrntes Lanrtade.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 241

* As for me and Bichette, we are ill. Yesterday
Bichette was suffering from a sick headache and
over-fatigue from having been out too much, and
to-day it is my turn. I cannot lift my head.

* Your cousin Ricard is in despair at not being
able to follow her friend Bichette ; she cannot afford
for the present to join you. If her afiairs are
concluded in a satisfactory manner it will be a great
pleasure for her to go. If I had no child I might
find enough [money] with the little I could make.
In that case I should not be a burden to you,
for on starting in business one is always very
short of money. I should enjoy the pleasure of
being with you and my friend Bichette, but I am
deprived of it. The cursed stain is very much
against us. We went to the Convention to present
a petition which we had prepared, and a few days
ago we obtained the correct number in order to get
whoever may seem good to them nominated to take
the matter up ; I trust we shall succeed in the end.
Your poor Bichette is very tired through it all ; she
has her share, and more than she can bear. . . .

* . . . My divorce is granted. . . .

* ... I am very glad you have eaten oysters.
If we had shared them and drunk with you your
bottle would not have made you tipsy. However,
I speak onJ^for you, as you do not write like an
inebriated man ; your letter is too long for that. I
don't know how much a time you will pay me

R

242 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

for reading your letters. Later on I shall employ a
reader, if we can afford one. Go on, however ; it
gives us pleasure. • . .

^ I am your cousin with a bad headache.'

* 23rd of Pluvidse — February 1 1.

* My dear Cousin, — It strikes me you speak very
easily of our going out every day, as if it were for our
pleasure. Yet it is not very pleasant to go about in
the mud. Bichette has tried every way ; she followed
the one pointed out by Joly, as he wrote himself to
several kw-courts in order to arrive at something
definite. He would like to blot out that stain, but
he cannot do so without an authorisation. • • .

* You say that we are merry in the midst of our
fatigues. Far from it. We are so in certain circum-
stances, especially when, finding the doors closed,
we are obliged to cool our heels outside. In
fact, when we receive a letter like that which has
just reached us, and which we cannot show, we
cannot help laughing. I hope that in future you
will write more decent letters, for I dare not show
them to anybody. ... It seems to me that you
were slightly merry when you wrote. . . .

* I beg you will not write such broad jokes, for
I cannot show your letters to anybody. I must tell
you that 1 received news of my husband through
some Deputies of San Domingo. I did not
receive a letter, because they were forbidden to

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 243

carry any ; they themselves have been robbed of
all their luggage. They know him very well, and
speak highly of him. He holds the post of chief
clerk to the General and Superior Council ; it
brings him 4,cxx) livres a year.'

What was that stain of which she twice speaks ?
It is difficult to say. What appears probable is that
the landlord of the shop had not been paid, and had
distrained upon what remained in it. Such an
explanation corroborates what Madame Ricard wrote
on December 12 concerning the shop, about which
Bichette was annoyed, and what she wrote on the
26th of Pluvidse — February 14.

These were not their only troubles. The reader
will remember that Toulan had gone into partnership
with a man called Fondard. The winding up of this
partnership was not without its difficulties, and Cousin
Ricard was afraid that she would not be capable of dis-
cussing the matter. Toulan*s interests were dear to
her, and this makes her write to him the same day : —

*This 23rd of Pluvidse — February 11.

*My dear Cousin, — I cannot help writing to
you at once. Bichette to-day saw M. Fondu ; he
was intending ten days later to dismiss all his clerks,
on account of a decision which obliges him to
transfer all his business to the Public Treasury.
Therefore see from this what you want me to do
in the matter. . . .

R2

244 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

^. • . I am very much afrsdd we shall lose
every penny, because he is on very good terms with
Visnique. As they are friends, and I am only a
woman, they will work hand in hand. • . .

^ . • . Send me, then, a note in due form ; I
shall produce it as if I had found it among your
papers which are at my house. Bichette and your
cousin msh you a good night, but Bichette Idsses
you.*

The more Bichette ^shed to join Toulan, the
more numerous were the obstacles which made her
postpone her journey from day to day. The two
women, however, did not spare themselves any
trouble.

*This 26th of Pluvidse — February 14.

* My dear Cousin, — I must write to you to-day,
for I want an immediate answer to my letter. I am
very angry with Bichette's husband ; poor wretch !
she is laid up — quite worn out. She is very much
grieved. There is no end to this dreadful business,
in spite of all we have done. We are sent from
one court to another. To-day she went and paid
her rent in order to be able to sell up and be done.
The citoyenne Bannier gave her to-day a demand for
two years* taxes, as you will see from the paper I
forward you. I b^ you will inform her husband of
this, so that he may write at once whether he has
paid them, and where he put the receipts. It

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 245

maddens her to see how things are going. I do my
best to keep her patient, but it is very difficult.

* I know that, for my own part, I would will-
ingly give my own blood to have this business over
and see her quiet. If this were to last much
longer she could not stand it. It needs more than
saying or writing, for if I had been she, I believe I
should have given up everything. She says that if
her son were not alive she would have died long ago.^

*We went yesterday to the citizen Guillioux
with regard to Fondu. I urged him as strongly as
I could to help him in this afiair ; at last he con-
sented to do so. As soon as he is free we shall
see that he bestirs himself.

* Above all answer me at once, so that she may
arrange to pay her rent. She was sent to the tax
collector's office to settle ; but she refused to give
any money before she knew whether you had paid
or not. Good-bye. I am your cousin.'

Then follows a copy of the two tax sheets.

Francs.
Year 1791. Taxes . . . .88.17

Year 1792.

Poor tax
Taxes
Poor tax
Food tax

Total amount

4

95-5
4
7

199.3

^ As the Toulans had no children, it is evident that the word
' son ' means her husband.

246 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

This letter corroborates the explanation which I
have given of the stun. In the first place it makes
it dear that Bichette owed several quarters' rent,
for the letters mention rents. Moreover, she tried
to pay what she owed * in order to be able to sell
up and be done.' She could not sell so long as the
landlord or landlady was not paid ; it appears,
indeed, that the citoyenne Bannier was the landlady.

It is easy to realise Germaine Toukn's dis-
agreeable surprise when, upon taking her rent
money she was confronted with the claim which was
made by the Exchequer, the amount of which was
far above the limited means of the two women.
Before making this new sacrifice th^ wished to
enquire, and Bichette very 'msdy retired and re-
fused to pay before ascertaining whether her husband
had not already settled the debt. She was aware
tljgt the Exchequer receives but does not repay.

They did well to act as they had done. Matters,
which had looked very dark for them, suddenly
changed, and unexpected ease followed their difli-
culties. The month of February was not over when
all obstades had vanished as by a mirade. Bichette
was at last free to start by coach to join her
husband in Bordeaux.

Cousin Ricard did not look forward to the part-
ing without anguish of heart. She could not herself
go to Bordeaux. She might probably return to
Toulouse to live with her relatives, but such a

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 247

prospect was only half a consolation. She was sad
at not going to stay with her cousin Toidan, and
still more so at losing her good friend Bichette.

However, she was a strong-minded woman, and
her sorrow, though sincere, did not lead her to forget
that they had been successful in winding up their
business, nor that the husband and wife would be
happy in being again together. The letter she wrote
on this occasion is noteworthy, not on account of its
style, but for the feelings it expresses. One feels
that she is a good and honest creature.

*9th of Vent6se — February 28.

* My dear Cousin, — I send you good news.
We are victorious ; our stain is blotted out and
my affairs are well advanced. Next Sunday I
shall pack my bed and my boxes. I shall let you
know on which day my friend Bichette will start.
I think it will be one day next week. I see two
people who are very glad, but I cannot say as
much for myself. My turn may perhaps come at
last ; my sole desire is to pass through Bordeaux,
to take leave of you and urge you to travel with
me. As you see, our affairs are well advanced and
I no longer require the tax schedules. She has
got rid of and is quit of that ; she will tell you how.
It would take too long to write about it.

* My friend Bichette has no more troubles and
her heart is glad. She has in hand her passport in

248 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

due form. With patience one overcomes every
difficulty. She has sold all her furniture at a good
price. To-day my furniture is to be sold, and on
Saturday we shall buy the goods which you asked
for. They will go with the bed and boxes, or else
we shall have everything sent to the Grand Caft, in
the Rue Saint-Denis. As you see, everything is
going on all right, and I trust you will never be in
a bad humour any more.

* When you receive this letter my friend Bichette
will surely have started, but, to keep your mind at
ease, I will write to you what day she takes the
coach, so that you may be sure of the day she will
arrive. Do not fail to prepare a good soup and
good wine for her. Drink a glass to my health.
Sophie kisses you with all her heart, as well as
Celeste and Mother Chevalier.

* Good-bye. We kiss you with all our hearts ;
all your friends do the same.

* I am your cousin

* RiCARD.'

Madame Toulan arrived in Bordeaux during the
first week of March. The dark days were over.
After a year of emotions and dangers the pair were
again united. Reassured as to the future, husband
and wife were at last going to enjoy quietness and
security. At least they hoped so.

Their joy was of short duration. Three weeks
after his wife's arrival Toulan was thrown into prison.

249

CHAPTER VIII

Germaine Toulan in Bordeaux — News from Paris — ^Trial of
Toulan's Accomplices (November 1793) — ^They are Ac-
quitted — Toulan resumes his own Name — His Card of Citizen-
ship — He is arrested on 5th of Germinal, Year II. (March 25,
1794) — His Examination — He is denounced to Isabeau — The
Latter pays no Heed — Toulan in Prison.

Madame Ricard always avoided, in her corre-
spondence with her cousin, giving political news.
She was wise to be silent, and this had certainly
contributed largely to ensure the fugitive's security.

As soon as his wife had joined him in Bordeaux
Toulan altered his conduct. He threw off his
borrowed personality and was daring enough to
openly take his real name. Only his shop still
retained the name of Roch Alimestre. He gave up
living there, and took up his quarters again at the
citizen Bab6in's, to whose inn he had brought his
wife on her arrival.

What was the reason for this seeming impru-
dence and bravado on the part of a man usually so
cautious ? His wife was unconsciously the cause oi
it by the news she had brought him from Paris.

Since his departure from the capital events had

250 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

occurred there which were calculated to have a direct
and considerable influence upon his position.

In consequence of the Rougeville-Michonis
episode, which was so pompously and so inappro-
priately called the ' Conspiration de TCEillet,' and at
the time when the Queen's trial again called attention
to all who had been more or less implicated with
her, warrants were issued for the arrest of various
personages who were accused of connivance with
* the Capet family/

Ten municipal officials were committed for trial.
These were Dangi, the grocer ; Lepltre ; Nicholas
Leboeuf, teacher ; Jean Beugnot, architect ; Germain
Jobert, merchant ; Fran9ois Moelle ; Bruno ; Vin-
cent ; Michonis, coffee-house keeper ; and Toulan.

The reader mil remember how the latter managed
to elude arresL Bruno likewise escaped. As for Le-
pltre, Dangi, and Leboeuf, th^ were taken to Sainte-
Pilagie ; Moelle and Jobert were taken to I'Abbaye ;
Vincent, Beugnot, and Michonis to La Force.

Some of them appeared as witnesses during the
Queen's trial, but their case did not come before the
Revolutionary Tribunal until the 28th of Brumaire —
November 18.

They had been taken to the Conciergerie five
days earlier.

Lepttre looked very proud on meeting there
Barnave, Duport-Dutertre, and the superior of the
seminary of Saint Sulpice, the venerable Emery. Flat-

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 251

tered at having such companions, he made up his mind
to secure the services of Chauveau-Lagarde for his
counsel — the famous lawyer who had defended Char-
lotte Corday, Marie Antoinette, and Brissac, and who
appeared in most of the important cases of that time.
As ill luck would have it, Chauveau-Lagarde was
prevented from pleading that day for Lepltre, who
was obliged to fall back on a counsel called Vincent
of no great reputation.

A M. Fontaine and his sweetheart, Sophie
Lebon, whom the accused did not know, but who
had been arrested in connection with the Rouge-
ville matter, were tried at the same time. Michonis
being implicated in this last case, the two were
joined in one indictment, although there was no
connection between them.

Magistrates were not very particular in those
days, and so much the worse for the accused when
indictments could be confused. This slight incon-
venience, which, however, Fouquier-Tinville did not
regard as one, enabled the Court to deal quickly
with cases, and did not impair the indictment. This
alone was considered as important. The Chevalier
de Rougeville, who was included in the case with
Toulan and Bruno, had likewise managed to escape.

The case lasted two days and took up four
sittings.

If the fact of having had intercourse with the
Temple prisoners, or with Marie Antoinette at the

252 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Conciergerie, was to involve a sentence, it was
certain that all, or nearly all, would be doomed. But
there happened in this case a thing almost unique in
the judiciary annals of that period.

The Commune exerted itself to save the accused.
None of the members deposed against them. If
they could not prevent the gatekeeper Mathey from
making charges against some of them, especially
Lepltre, the magistrates, on the other hand, did
not even examine Tison. There was an under-
standing that the municipal officers who were still
members of the Council, beginning with Michonis,
were to be saved ; and others, such as the Professor,
escaped with them. It was not that their counsel was
eloquent. On the contrary, Vincent's defence of
Lepltre was so poor that the latter cut him short and
spoke in his place. And although diis change in the
defence could not alter a sentence which was decided
upon beforehand it enabled Lepltre, to take the credit
of it to himself. He therefore experienced a double
joy when he heard that he and his fellow prisoners
were acquitted. They were at once released.

Michonis alone was found guilty. There were
grave charges against him, and he had evidently
taken a part in the ill-defined or not well known
RougeviUe afiair. But, although he was found to
have been privy to it, he was discharged on the
ground that he had no criminal intention. The
judges, however, dared not release him at once,

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 253

and they applied to him the famous law of suspects.
He was sentenced to prison until general peace
should be made (Art 10 of the law of September

The decree was silent concerning the fugitives,
Toulan, Bruno, and Rougeville. This omission
could be interpreted in two different ways. It was
possible to argue that, the Court not having returned
a verdict of acquittal with reference to their particular
case, they were liable to be again called to account
and sentenced ; on the other hand, no sentence
having been passed and their accomplices having
been found not guilty, their case was thus definitely
decided, and they ought to have the benefit of this
favourable decision.

Toulan's wife, who was acquainted with the
result of the trial without knowing the particulars,
thought that the acquittal applied without distinction
to all the accused, and her husband shared her
opinion on this point. It is only just to say that it
was in no way contrary to law, and that it was even
sound common sense. The ex- commissioner be-
lieved he was acquitted as well as his colleagues.
Therefore why should he hide himself any longer ?
Why should he run the risk of becoming suspect in
order to escape from a peril which no longer
existed ?

It was, then, neither out of imprudence nor
^ National Record Office, W 296, Na 261.

254 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

from bravado, that he resumed his own name.
Besides, this was not the cause of his arrest.

At that period popular mistrust, carried to an
extreme, gave rise to secret accusations everywhere.
Every man believed he was called upon to save the
Republic one and indivisible, whose existence was
constantly threatened, and accusations rained upon
the Offices of the Department and of the Commune.

The latter never disregarded a denunciation, and
either made a rapid enquiry or more often arrested the
victim. In order to avoid inconvenience to recog-
nised or self-styled patriots by preventive measures
the committees created a card of citizenship which
was given personally to trustworthy men. The want
of such a card might entail the worst consequences.

Unfortunately for him, Toulan was denounced
to the Revolutionary Committee of Bordeaux. Was
this accusation made by a too enthusiastic citizen or
was it due to vengeance on the part of a neighbour,
perhaps an ill-tempered customer ? Was it only
through ill-luck ? No one knows ; but the Revo-
lutionary Committee certainly treated Alimestre-
Toulan as a suspect. He was asked to produce his
card of citizenship. But he had none, and this for a
good reason. Unable to show it and to prove that
he was * a good citizen ' — what kind of proofs were
wanted ? — ^he was arrested and incarcerated on the
5th of Germinal, Year II. — March 25, 1794.

Vague rumours of the charges kid against

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 255

him had reached Bordeaux ; this incident had
roused them.

Toulan, however, confident in the verdict of
November 19, did not try to deny his identity,
and showed on the following day, when he was
examined, perfect frankness, save on certain points
where too explicit answers might have injured the
friends who had helped him.

His replies, never lacking in cleverness, revealed
perfect serenity of mind. He evidently thought he
was the victim of some misunderstanding, but he
was convinced that this error would soon be cleared
up, and had not the slightest idea that he ran any
danger through being arrested.

The Bordeaux Revolutionary ^ Comit6 de Sur-
veillance' had appointed a member to examine
Toulan, and this member, the citizen Coste junior,
did not appear to be convinced of the prisoner's
guilt ; therefore it was with a certain amount
of kindness that he examined him on the very
first day after his arrest, the 6th of Germinal, Year II.
— March 26, 1794.

This examination, except for the form of it — and
even this results mainly from the clerk's rendering —
looks more like a conversation, for it has no definite
line, no fixed plan.

^Your name, age, residence, vocation, birth-
place, and last abode ? '

^ Fran9ois Adrien Toulan, thirty-three years old.

256 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

bom in Toiilouse, public scribe and hardwareman in
Bordeaux, living at No. 20 Rue Qusu-Bourgeois.' ^
^Has he always carried on business as public
scribe or hardwareman ? '

* Before and at the beginning of the Revolution
he was a book- and music'-seller in Paris, after which
he was clerk, then manager of an office for the
setdement of emigrants' property in Paris.'

* Has he resigned his managership at the emi-
grants' office ? '

*Yes.'

* Was he in charge of the receipt of money on
account of the Republic ? *

' No ; he was in charge of nothing but the claims
of the emigrants' creditors and of statements made
in favour of the Republic'

* Why did he resign ? '

' Because having opened, in partnership with the
citizen Fondard, an agency for the prompt setde-
ment of creditors' claims, and his attendance at his
own office being necessary, he sent in his resigna-
tion to the managers, who accepted it.'

^Did he not open a private office with the
citizen Fondard rather to favour the emigrants,
taking advantage of the post to which he had been
appointed, than to forward the so-called winding-up
of claims in favour of the Republic ? '

This was an insidious question. Toulan replied
^ This must have been the address of Bab^in's lodging-house.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 257

with as much firmness as usual, but could not
refrain from being ironical at the end.

* This office being worked in accordance with a
law ordering creditors to associate in order to hasten
the winding up of their claims, he agreed with the
citizen Fondard to get the assistance of one or
several lawyers to keep within the meaning of the
law and accelerate a settlement ; it must be observed
that as long as he filled his post he could not do
anything but hurt the emigrants' interests, and he
had never thought he was serving them by opening an
office for selling their estates or paying their creditors.'

* In what year did he go to Paris ? '
Mn August 1787.'

* In which section did he live, in which street,
and where was his domicile ? '

* He lived successively in three sections, the first
of which was at the time only the Louvre district.
When sections were organised this became the
Feuillants Section ; but his office work making it
necessary that he should live nearer the Town Hall,
he removed to the section of that name, and took
up his abode at No. 13 Rue du Monceau-Saint-
Gervais, opposite Lorme.'

* Was he living there on May i, 1789 ? '

* He was in the Louvre district.'

* Did he fill any other post in the Paris Commune ? '

* He had been appointed section commissioner,
and consequently was elected twice as representative

s

258 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

of the Commune, first of the loth of August Com-
mune, then of the provisionary Commune.*

*With which citizen did he associate more
particukrly ? '

* Owing to his situation he was called to asso-
ciate with all conditions of people ; but having regard
to nothing but his work he did nothing more than
what his vocation demanded from him ; his day's
work over, he was again a member of society ; he
saw people belonging to his section, the Commune,
and the members of the "Club des Hommes du
Dix AoAt," to which he belonged.'

* When did he leave the city of Paris ? '

* On October 7, 1793, at 10 a.m.'

*What principles did he hold concerning the
Republic until May 3 1 last ? '

* Those of a patriot, who considers nothing but
his mother country ; one who, a stranger to parties,
regards and serves his country alone, guided as he
is by the same principles which prompted him on
June 30, 1789, to devote himself to the public welfare,
offering of his own free will to go to the Assembl6e
Nationale, which was then up in arms, beg for the
pardon of the Gardes Fran^aises, and request that
their colonel should be punished for his arbitrary
actions, which caused them to be imprisoned ; ^ he

^ This sentence is badly constructed ; it should be ' and that
their colonel should be punished for sending them to prison, thus
acting in an arbitrary manner.'

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 259

obtained a decree, brought it back to the people,
and has ever since thought and acted in the same
way.'

*At what time did he cease to be a municipal
officer? •

*When the present municipality was definitely
organised.'

* Can he produce good testimonials for the time
he resided in Paris, as well as a safe-conduct to leave
this place ? '

* He never asked for testimonials, but his various
appointments ought to stand for such testimonials.
As to his conduct, not a single Frenchman can
reproach him with anything. He had not his
safe-conduct when he left, although it never was
refused him whenever he asked for it.'

' Why did he leave Paris ?'

* Because they had come to arrest him ; but his
wife's sorrow, and the inward feeling which naturally
prompts a man to flee from persecution, and also
the conviction he had that the Government
could not issue a warrant againt him on account
of his conduct and opinions unless it had been
misled through some arbitrary deed, made him re-
solve to escape. He remarked, and if necessary
would appeal to those who had come to arrest him
to witness to it, that until his escape he had shown
due regard and obedience to the Government man-
datories ; and if he employed a little cunning in order

s 2

26o A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

to escape^ he neither committed nor intended to
commit any act of violence.'

* Was he aware of the reasons of his arrest ? *

' If he had known them nothing would have
induced him to obey the warrant ; but it was only
when in the coach whidi runs between Corbeil and
Auxerre that a citizen, a chief at the head of one of the
Paris l^ons, told him that he was accused before
the Commune of holding private conversations with
the prisoners at the Temple, and showed him a
newspaper relating the accusation. . . .'

The clear and clever way in which Toulan gave
his answers evidendy made a deep impression on
the commissioner who examined him. All was said
in such a sincere and open manner that he did not
know what to think of it. His perplexity was
manifest in the next question.

* Far from the accusation being based upon that
conversation, was he not on intimate footing with
Brissot and the Girondins .?*

At that time danger was indeed to be found on
every side ; it smote the Royalists as well as the
Republicans. Hubert had just been guillotined ;
Danton's turn was to come ten days later ; the
Girondins, defeated on March 31, died on the
scaffold a fortnight before Marie Antoinette.

But Toulan, who was strongly on his guard against
the charges to which he was liable, was not slow
in answering on a point where his conduct was

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 261

unimpeachable even in the eyes of the greatest anti-
revolutionists, and he did so with assurance and
in words which are not lacking in piquancy.

He said that, careful not to belong to any party,
he had always had a horror of agitators ; he saw
Brissot only once, both of them being district pre-
sidents, and this was at the Federation procession of
1790 ; he had never spoken to him, and did not
remember ever seeing any Deputy for the Gironde
department.

*What were his opinions of the measures
decided upon by the Convention on May 31 and
June I and 2 ? *

* Holding a municipal office, he was sent with
several of his colleagues to ask the neighbouring
communes to join the Paris municipality, so as to
form a single body, and he behaved like a patriot ;
as to this, he appealed to the testimony of his fellow
travellers. He remarked that he was one of the
members of the Commune who signed the petition
asking that the twenty-two Deputies should be put
on their trial. . . .'

On hearing such clear answers the commis-
sioner, struck by the proofs of good-citizenship
furnished by Toulan in the Girondin affair, came
back to his first accusation. He asked him ' if he
really had held intercourse with the prisoners at
the Temple.*

^ He stated, as he did before the Commune after

262 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

an accusation made previously by Tison, the man-
servant of the prisoners, that whilst on duty his
mission was limited to watching the prisoners ; he
was never ordered to molest them ; he never spoke to
them, save in the presence of colleagues, and only on
indifferent subjects, which had no connection with the
prisoners or the Revolution. He never answered
questions of that kind but in an evasive manner, so
as not to compromise his dignity or the interests of
the Republic. Yes or No was his usual answer, and
even this was only in reply to very indifferent ques-
tions. Moreover, he remarked that in the thirteen
times he had been on duty at the Temple, which
made altogether twenty-six days, he never was one
single minute alone with the prisoners.* ^

^ Being certain that he had nothing to reproach
himself with in the discharge of his duties, and
knowing the accusations brought against him, how
was it that he tried to avoid submitting to the law ? *

* A similar denunciation had been made, and the
seals had been affixed to his papers at his own
request ; he thought this denunciation had been
taken for what it was worth, as it did not contain a
single word of truth ; seeing on one hand un-
relenting animosity, although he had been found to
be innocent, as the warrant made no mention of the
reason of his arrest, as it should have done in order
to be in conformity with the law, he saw in such
persecution the long-concocted plan of evil-minded

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 263

men against patriots, and thought it wise to escape
from it until the truth should be made plain, as it
had been at last, since the Revolutionary Tribunal
had acquitted him at the same time as those accused
with him ; he would explain later why he resumed
his own name/

He was so affirmative, so clear that the com-
missioner ceased questioning him on the main point
of the accusation, and asked him secondary questions
about himself, his condition, and the various cir-
cumstances of his departure from Paris.

* Was he married ? What was his wife's name ?
Had he any children ? '

*He had been married since July 1787. His
wife was Fran9oise Germaine Dumasbon. He
had no children.'

* Where was his wife staying ? '

* His wife had always followed in his footsteps ;
but although she was not learned, her heart was
thoroughly French, and she rejoiced with him over
the Revolution. They parted only, as he said before,
when he left Paris, and about a fortnight since she
had joined him in Bordeaux, as he was sUre that,
being found innocent, he would live there peacefully
on the fruits of his labour, like the good republican
that he was.'

* Since he said he was a native of Toulouse, how
was it he did not seek refuge among his relatives
rather than come to Bordeaux ? '

a64 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

' He did go there at first ; but hearing on his
arrival that news of the charge against him had pre-
ceded him, he was afraid to remain in a place where
he was very well known, and preferred to stay in
Bordeaux, where he had worked previously, but
where he would not be easily recognised.'

^ Was this on the faith of a passport given by
the Neuilly municipality, which he handed over to
his section on October 6 last ? *

^ When he fled he went to a friend's house. This
friend, who did not live far from the Neuilly
municipality, offered to obtain a passport for him.
At his friend's request it was filled up by himself, and
the following day he brought him the passport quite
ready ; it was this which enabled him to reach
Toulouse, and it was stamped twice on the way.'

* What was that friend's name, and where was he
staying ? '

< He would not tell.'

* Why, having reached Toulouse, had he taken
on October 26 a passport under the name of Roch
Alimestre, since his name was Fran9ois Toulan ? '

^ As he said before, the charge against him had
preceded him to Toulouse. To have asked for a
passport in his own name would only have ensured
his arrest. Some one, whose name he would never
divulge, asked for one under the name of Rosalie
Mestre, but the secretary made a mistake and wrote
" Ros Alimestre " ; he himself wanted to use this

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 265

passport, being unable to do otherwise, and seeing the
scratching out, and the similarity in the description,
he made use of it to go to Bordeaux.'

*What had been his means of living since
coming to Bordeaux ? '

* His work, an honest life, the little money his
wife sent him from Paris, his savings whilst he was a
clerk, and the amount he had derived from the sale
of his business and furniture in Paris/

* Did he on his arrival at Bordeaux register
his name at the municipality, and if so which of his
names ? '

* The citizen Babein's books would prove that on
his arrival he was registered under the name of
Alimestre ; since then he and the citizen Babein had
agreed that his name should not be removed from
the books as if he had left, for he slept at his shop
on the Royan quay, so that he might be found if he
were wanted by those who thought that he was still
staying at the citizen Babein's house ; in fact, he
was now living there, at least since his wife came ;
he also said that, although he was hiding, he was
desirous to obey the law, and had his name Roch
Alimestre put over his shop.'

* What sort of things did he write as a public
scribe ? '

* He wrote only letters, petitions. . . .'

And as at that time nothing could end without
a solemn declaration of the rights of the State and

266 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

of God — ^although both were practically denied by
the very men who most strongly affirmed them —
to a last question, * When he wrote petitions, did
he ever attempt to slander the constituted authorities
in order to aid intrigue and the aristocracy ? '
Toulan replied, perhaps with sincerity, * that every
constituted authority being, in his opinion, after the
Supreme Being, most worthy of respect, he was
incapable of slandering or belittling them.'

Thus closed this long examination, during which
the Gascon with extraordinary shrewdness took
advantage of the smallest loophole in a question,
and so answered as to clear himself in the eyes of
his judge. In fact, his cleverness was very near
being crowned with success.

When he was arrested the police had seized in
his room his two passports, his correspondence with
Rosalie Lafont and Belon, all his cousin Ricard's
letters, and various papers. The whole had been
made into a parcel, sealed, and taken to the Comiti
de Surveillance. The seals were broken the day
after his examination and the parcel made up again
in his presence. This is proved by a report relative
to it:

^On this day, 8th of Germinal, Year II. of
the French Republic,

* We, members of the purifying committee of the
Brutus section, together with Dorgueil, member of
the Comiti de Surveillance, betook ourselves to the

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 267

prisons of the Palais Brutus, in order to ask the
citizen Toulan to come with us, so that he might be
present at the breaking of the seals which were
affixed by the undersigned, who were authorised to
do so by the Comit6 de Surveillance. Being there,
we proceeded, and after seeing that they were whole
and in good cohdition, and carefully verifying every
paper, we decided to take them away and submit
them to the Committee ; the citizen Toulan agreed
to this. We wrapped them up in a sheet of paper
and sealed them in his presence. We found more-
over a medal struck in commemoration of the Tenth
of August, 1792 (old style), and a certificate. We
made a complete report of all.

* Bordeaux : the said day and year as above.

'Lemaitre, Toulan, Dorgueil, Doche.'

The presence of this Tenth of August medal
among Toulan*s papers made a deep impression on
the members of the Committee. How could a
patriot worthy of such a reward be guilty of asso-
ciating in conspiracy with the enemies of France and
betraying the Republic ? Doubt entered their minds,
and, whilst remanding Toulan, they availed them-
selves of the stay in Bordeaux of Isabeau, a repre-
sentative of the people, to enquire about the prisoner,
and ask him, if necessary, to write to Paris on this
matter.

268 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Isabeau promised to do what they asked ; but he
had to attend to more important affidrs than that of
a municipal officer who was implicated in an episode
of more than a year ago. No sooner did he leave
Bordeaux than he forgot all about the mission he
had accepted.

Time, however, was passing, and no information
came. Toulan was still in prison. Tlie members
of the Conmiittee b^an to feel doubtful, and,
deciding to put an end to this awkward situation,
they in consequence applied direcdy to the Paris
municipality.

Their letter is interesting for more than one
reason — first, because it expresses their apprehen-
sions with great simplicity, and then because it con-
tains expressions which show the ridiculous zeal of
a provincial committee who pile up words and
epithets. For those Bordeaux people the words
* £ dlxtbj Liberty, Fraternity * were not sufficient,
and it was necessary to do more than prodaim the
Republic one and indivisible. They added to the
headings of their note paper expressions in keepii^
with their patriotic feelings :

* £galit£, Libert^, FRATERNrrfe, Vertu.

« Bordeaux : the 26th of FlorAal, Year II.
— May 15, 1794 — of the French
Republic one, indivisible, and
imperishable.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 269

* To the Public Prosecutor.^

* To advise the police.

* To advise the Bordeaux Commune.

*The Revolutionary Comitd de Surveillance of
the Bordeaux Commune to the Paris Municipality :

* Brethren and friends, two months ago we
arrested the citizen Toulan, a native of Toulouse,
and an inhabitant of Paris for several years, who
lived in two different sections, on the Feuillants and
afterwards on a section of that name, 13 Rue de
Monceau-Saint-Gervais, opposite Lorme.

* Toulan filled, he said, several public posts, such
as clerk and chief derk at the office for the Paris emi-
grants' estates. As commissioner of his section, he
was, in consequence, twice elected representative of
the Commune of the loth of August and the Pro-
visional Commune. On May 31, June i and 2, he,
being an official, was sent to ask the neighbouring
Communes to join the Paris municipality. He
ceased to fill those posts, he added, when the
present Commune was definitely organised.

* This citizen left Paris for Toulouse on October 7,
and absconded, as there was a warrant out against him,
issued by the constituted iiuthorities of Paris, as he
was suspected of having held secret conversations
with the prisoners incarcerated at the Temple.

* This citizen was arrested here for having neither

* Notes written by a member of the Paris municipality.

270 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

a card of citizenship nor anything which might
prove that he was a good citizen.

* We therefore invite you, brethren and friends,
to enlighten us as to this citizen. If, as he said in
his examination, he is a sincere patriot, he deserves
to enjoy his freedom and the esteem of his fellow
citizens ; if, on the contrary, he betrayed the
confidence of his country, he deserves to be hated
like a traitor.

* Salut et fraterniti.

* The members of the Committee,

* Morel (chairman), Barreau,

Laye, Plenaud.'

On the following day these same members of the
Committee thought that they had perhaps made a
mistake in sending their letter to the Paris munici-
pality, and they decided to inform directly the great
purveyor of the guillotine, Fouquier-TinviUe himself.
They thought he must know Toulan, who had ap-
peared before him, from what they understood him
to have said.

* Egalit^, Liberty, Fraternity, Vertu.

* Bordeaux : the 27th of Florial,

Year II. — May 16, 1794
— of the French Republic
one, indivisible, and in-
destructible.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 271

* The Revolutionary Comit6 de Surveillance of the
Bordeaux Commune to the Public Prosecutor to the
Revolutionary Tribunal of Paris :

* We arrested as suspect about two months ago
the citizen Toulan, who in his examination stated to
us that he was in 1791 a municipal official, and after-
wards a section commissioner, &c. He also declared
that he had appeared before your tribunal and was
acquitted.

*As we had doubts concerning this individual
we forwarded a copy of his examination to the
citizen Izabeau [sic], a representative of the people,
who kindly undertook to write to Paris to make an
enquiry about him. We have been expecting this
information every day ; but seeing the time elapse
without receiving anything we made up our minds
to apply to you for the information we require.
You must know him, since he was tried at your
bar ; in any case it will not be difficult for you to
do us the service which we require of you, by
making a short enquiry. We wish it all the more
since we do not ourselves know the citizen Toulan.
We should grieve very much if he did not deserve
the imprisonment which he endures. If he be guilty
we shall have him tried, but if he be innocent we
must release him at the earliest date.

* Be so kind, brother friend, as to clear up our
uncertainty.

* Be so kind as to enable us to know Toulan,

272 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

and depend upon the affection which your brethren
and friends have vowed to you.

* The Members of the Committee,

* Morel (chairman), Barreau (secretary),
Layb, Blancard junior, Plbnaud.'

Their precautions were praiseworthy but super-
fluous. In those days an accusation seldom went
astray. The Paris municipality hastened to transmit
the letter of the Bordeaux citizens to Fouquier-
Tinville.

* Paris : 4th of Prairial, Year II. of the

French Republic — May 23, 1794-

* The Mayor of Paris to the Public Prosecutor to

* the Revolutionary Tribunal.

* Citizen, — I send herewith the letter written on
the 26th of Flor6al to the Paris Municipality by
the Revolutionary Comit6 de Surveillance of the
Bordeaux Commune. As you are in a position to
have exact information on the citizen Toulan, who
is mentioned in this letter, I thought it my duty to
forward it to you, so that you may proceed against
this individual as you may think fit.

* Salut et fraternity.

* Lescot-Flburiot.*

The administrators of police came to the rescue.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 273

^ Paris Commune, Police Department :

* 5th Prairial — May 24, 1 794 —

Year II. of the French

Republic one and indivisible.

* To the Citizen Public Prosecutor to the
Revolutionary Tribunal.

* Citizen, — ^The citizen Mayor has informed us
that he forwarded to you a letter which he received
from the Comiti de Surveillance of Bordeaux relative
to the arrest in that city of the citizen Toulan, who
absconded last October in order to escape from a
warrant issued against him, he being accused of hold-
ing secret conversations with the Temple prisoners.
We inform you that we have at our office a copy of
the report upon his escape, and the affixing of seals
to his papers. Should this document be useful to
you let us know, and we shall forward it to you
at once.

* The Police Administrators

SOUQUOY, MUZET.'^

It is a pity that Fouquier-TinviUe did not consider
the document which was offered to him useful, for
we might then still possess it. Instead of being
placed amongst the dossiers of the Revolutionary
Tribunal, which, having been sent to the National
^ National Record OfiSce» W 296^ No. 261.

274 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Record Office, were all kept, it remained at the H6tel
de Ville, and disappeared in the fire which destroyed
that building in 1871 — a fire which was lit by the
successors of Souquoy and Muzet.

The terrible Public Prosecutor, Fouquier-Tin-
ville, put upon the scent by these letters and accusa-
tions, remembered full well Toulan, the municipal
who had defied the representatives of the Commune
and had managed to evade his Revolutionary Tri-
bunal. At last he was caught 1

Fouquier immediately wrote upon the margin of
the denunciation made by the Comit£ de Surveillance
the following instructions : —

^ Look for. the Michonis documents.

^ Ask for the indictment against Toulan.

* Answer this letter and say that Toulan was accused^
hut did not come before the Courty and thaty on the con-
trary ^ he fled. Request the Committee to execute as early
as possible the subjoined warrant.

* Then return me this letter.

* Written on the 7th of Prairial.^ Sent the
warrant.'

Being thus warned, the members of the Comit£

de Surveillance, rejoicing over their capture, proud

of their discernment, and happy in being able to

send to the scafiFold a man who had escaped from

1 May 26, 1794.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 275

the Revolutionary Tribunal, sent Toulan to Paris
with all despatch.

They wrote to the Public Prosecutor on the
15th of Prairial, Year II. — ^June 3, 1794 —

* Brother and Friend, — In accordance with
the request you made us we embark to-day the
citizen Toulan under the guard and responsibility
of the gendarmerie, to whom we have entrusted a
parcel for you, containing —

* I. His examination.

* 2. The report on the breaking of the seals.

* 3. Two passports, one from Toulouse and the
other from Neuilly.

* You will also find in the same parcel the papers
which were seized at his residence when the seals
were broken.

* We hope you will be pleased at the prompti-
tude with which we have sent you this parcel. You
may always rely on our zeal in helping you in your
painfril work.

* We remain your Friends and Brethren,
the Members of the Committee,
'Plenaud (secretary) ; Michenot (chairman).'

We have no document to tell us in what state
of mind Toulan had been since his examination.
He was in prison and in close custody. His wife
was unable to help him, for even when she was in

T 2

276 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

Paris, in less critical circumstances, she had required
the aid and advice of her cousin Ricard. Brides,
whom did she know in Bordeaux ? To whom could
she apply in a town where she had arrived only a
few days before ? Her only hope now, if she re-
tained any, was in the Gascon's cleverness and in
the good luck which had till then been his.

The respite which Isabeau by his silence un-
wittingly procured for the prisoner was a good
omen. Who knows ? Toulan was perhaps hope-
ful ; maybe he flattered himself he would be able
once more to ward off the blow with which he was
threatened and thus again escape from his enemies.

But fortune was growing weary ; it forsook the
unfortunate man. He who had braved the greatest
dangers, he who had many a time saved his life in
the worst of circumstances, was now the victim of a
very trifling matter. He had no card of citizenship,
and this was sufficient reason for his being sent to
prison.

He was examined, and scorned denial. Besides
had he not been acquitted before, and was he not a
patriot ? Beyond the compassion which led him to
associate with the friends of royalty and to take
part in a conspiracy whose object was not so much
to injure the Republic, which was perfectly safe
against any possible attempt, as to help a woman, a
captive mother, what did they reproach him with ?
Where could they find a citizen who gave better

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 277

proofs of patriotism than he ? He could appeal to
witnesses, he could quote dates — ^June 30, 1789 ;
August 10, 1792 ; May 31 and June i and 2, 1793.
He could show his commemoration medal, and his
signature to the petition against the twentjr-two.
Vain defence I Fouquier admitted no palliations,
and crimes, or what he considered such, could not
be atoned for.

From the time of his arrest, Toulan's history
is contained entirely in official documents, prosy and
simple, like the Bordeaux ones — cold and awful,
like the Paris ones.

Upon the last letter Fouquier wrote —

* Warrant and duplicate received on the 4th of
Messidor — June 22.

* Conciergerie.'

Everyone knows what this word meant.

278 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

CHAPTER IX

Increase of tlie Terror— The GviOodne is taken to die Place da
Trftne Renvers^— Toolan in Paris — ^The Revdntionary
Tribonal— Judges and Jurymen— The Indictment — His
Companions — ^Verdict — Sentence of Death— £zecation.

The Terror was increasing.

In order to find a pretext for condemnation the
murderers had invented fabulous conspiracies both
in prisons and abroad. Every man who was arrested
was brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal
and found guilty of having taken part in either one
or the other. And as these two conspiracies never
existed it was very difficult to clear one's self of the
charge.

Those who escaped sentence were few — not more
than one in ten. As to the number sentenced, it
was twelve hundred and sixty-nine from March lo,
1793, to June ID, i794> and from that date to the
9th of Thermidor it amounted to fourteen hundred
victims. Every day whole batches of them were
sent before the Court and executed immediately after
being sentenced. * Things are going well,' Fouquier
said ; ^ heads are falling like tiles.'

The dismal cart at first took the victims to the

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 279

Place de k Revolution, formerly the Place Louis XV.,
and now the Place de la Concorde. But the inhabi-
tants of that district, above all those who lived in the
Rue Saint-Honori, complained of spectacles which
injured their trade and interfered with the everyday
business of life. Their complaint was taken into
consideration, and the scaffold was removed first to
the Place de la Bastille, and then to the Vincennes
Gate, also called the Trdne Renversi, and at the
present day the Place du Trdne.

Such protests, notwithstanding the Terror,
pointed to a state of mind ready for a reaction. In
fact, this feeling was dormant in every heart, except
in the case of a few Montagnards who were behind
their time. Even Robespierre himself was inclined
to be lenient, thinking that enough blood had
already been spilt.

But he had not sufficient strength of character
to stand against the agitation which was then in
full swing, and of which, in spite of himself, he was
the personification. He was considered, and not
unreasonably, as an accomplice in all the crimes
committed during the Revolution and as responsible
for all the executions. This popular belief was
justified by the double execution of the Hibertists
and Dantonists.

Such a Government, which was possible only
as the result of the greatest political movement of
modern times, when the last bonds of ancient society

28o A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

were breaking on every side, and when foreign
enemies were attacking and endangering the country,
could not last. Could Toulan, ndio arrived in P^s
on the 4th of Messidor — ^June 22 — escape from
Fouquier*s hands until the reaction which was
anticipated and certain should take place ?

Whether he felt the ground giving way under
his feet, or whether death called for other deaths,
Fouquier was in a hurry. He was indefatigable ;
and, thanks to him, the Tribunal was constantly and
well provided with victims.

A week after his arrival the ex-member of the
Commune was arraigned before his unrelenting
judges, on the i2th of Messidor — ^June 30. The in-
dictment so far as he was concerned had been drawn
up by the Public Prosecutor with open dishonesty —

^ Antoine-Quentin Fouquier re Fran9ois-Adrien
Toulan,' &c.

^It results, from a careful examination of the
documents sent to the Public Prosecutor, that Toulan
had intercourse with the woman Capet, that he had
private conversations with her ; one day in particular
Toulan ordered Capet junior and his sister to be
shut up in one of the turrets, in order to be alone
with the two women. In fact, he talked with them
for about an hour and a half, after which time the two
children were allowed to return. On another occasion
Toulan was heard to say to the widow Capet and her

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 281

sister Elisabeth that every evening at half-past ten he
would send close to the Temple a newsvendor to call
out whatever news might be of interest to them. It
was observed that one night the two women did
not go to bed until 1 1 o'clock p.m., and that they
showed much temper because they had not, as usual,
heard the newsvendor call out.

' It appears that as a reward for his kindness
Toulan received, among other presents, a gold box.
This fact was averred and recognised as true when
the first discussion took place, which resulted in
Michonis and other municipal officials being tried.
It was likewise found out during the same discus-
sion that when Capet was executed ToiUan had
managed to take his (Capet's) hat, leaving his own
instead, and that he gave the hat to Madame
Elisabeth ; lastly, it was Toulan who handed over
to Capet the list of the Paris electors which was
found in Capet's cupboard.'

This indictment was a mixture of truths and
^sehoods. The first part was based on the sayings
which Hubert had forced out of the mouth of a
sickly and stupid child, morally and physically
exhausted. That alone ought to have rendered
them suspect and caused them to be put on one side,
although they might be true in reality. But what
of the other assertions ? In respect to them
Fouquier was making false statements, and, what
was worse, he knew them to be so. The letter

282 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

which we have reproduced, and which proves that he
had access to the Michonis papers, proves that he
barefacedly altered the truth.

Nothing in the Michonis aflair proved that it
was a known fact that Marie Antoinette gave
Toulan a gold box ; the same may be said of the
story of the hat and of the list of electors handed
over to * Capet.'

Toulan had certainly plotted in favour of the
Queen, but the proofs of the plot were not produced
at the trial ; the conspiracy was not even suspected.
It was only later on that Jarjayes, Lepttre, and Turgy
were to speak, and this only for the benefit of
posterity.

The facts mentioned, taken separately, were of.
little importance and proved nothing. But on this
occasion Fouquier acted after his usual fashion ; he
grouped round Toulan nineteen other prisoners who
did not know each other, and a few of whom only
were implicated in the same case.

The list of them is interesting, for it shows that
the Revolutionary Tribunal was eclectic and despised
no victims, not even those drawn from the lower
classes.

In the dock were to be seen beside Toulan an
ex-chief justice in the Toulouse parliament, Nicolas
Pichard, his wife, and Jean Clerc, his steward ; two
men from Calvados, Michel and Noel Taillepied,
one a ^mer and the other a hairdresser ; an

CONSEQUENCES OFTHE CONSPIRACY 283

adjutant-major of the 6th Battalion of the Manche,
J. B. Mausin ; a sculptor, Victor Laguepierre ; the
president of the Rethel tribunal, Stanislas Vuibert,
and a bookseller who had printed a pamphlet for him,
J. B. Raucourt ; a cooper, F. Dubois ; a farmer,
Guillaume Lagoudie ; a cook, Jean Bellegou ; a
joiner, Pierre Caillet ; a baker, Nicolas Houlier ;
a handkerchiefrseller, Marie Anne Ferrand ; a lady
of independent means, Marie Catherine Patissier,
widow of M. Duvernay ; then an ex-priest, Jean
Louis M6rot ; an ex-attorney, Georges Vechembre ;
and an ex-marquise, Anne Marie Thdrfese de
Feuquiferes.

As their names had been grouped together so
were the charges against them, and instead of
mentioning opposite every name the particular
accusation on which the prisoner was to be tried
they were all together * convicted of having become
enemies of the nation, either by keeping up a corre-
spondence or intercourse with the enemies of the
Republic, at home and abroad, in order to provide
help for them in men and money ... or by
contributing through decisions, printed or written
by hand, to degrade and dissolve the national
representation or to restore monarchy ... or again
by fighting with the English army in Toulon or the
Federalists in the Department of Eure and Loire ....
by fomenting trouble among the men employed in
public works ... or by, as public officers, keeping

284 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

up intercourse with the woman Capet and her sister
during their incarceration at the Temple ... by
assuming false titles, which caused several patriots
to be molested and imprisoned unjustly . • . lastly,
by endeavouring to arm citizens against one another,
and, above all, against the constituted authorities.'

Such an intentional confusion, opposed to the
most rudimentary rules of justice and in defiance of
the sacred rights of defence, aggravated enormously
the accusations brought against these unfortunate
people. How could they make the truth clear
in the midst of this confusion, and speak with
thorough knowledge of the case, when the prosecutor
was a clever and passionate man, the president
partial, and the jury packed with men who coixld
be depended upon ?

On that day, Messidor 12, Year II. — ^June 30,
1 794 — the Court was thus composed : Scellier, presi-
dent, who was tried and guillotined after the 9th of
Thermidor ; Charles Harny and Antoine Marie
Maire, judges ; Fouquier-TinviUe, Public Prosecutor,
afterwards tried and guillotined with Scellier (Flor&d
17-18, Year III. — May 6-7, 1795). The jurymen
were Renaudin, Billion, Depr6aux, Lumifere,
Prieur, Marbel, and Chatelet. The latter was well
known for the habit he had of putting merely an * F '
against the names of those whom he wished to
sentence. Four of the men who shared Fouquier's
and Scellier's crimes suffered with them : these were

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 285

Renaudin, Lumiire, Prieur, and Chatelet. On that
day the capital * F * was for him.

The prods-verbal of the Revolutionary criminal
court * established bylaw on March 10, 1793, and
again on April 5 of the same year, astonished by its
brevity and simplicity/

The hearing began at 10 a.m. First the names of
the accused, then those of the witnesses were read out.
The latter were six in number, and all were sum-
moned for the Houlier case. After this the dossier
bears the note, * The debate was closed,' which proves
that it was hardly opened. The Court limited itself
to a brief examination of the prisoners.

Then the report goes on, *The said citizen
Fouquierwas heard as to the means of justifying the
indictment.' And that was all. The printed paper
made provision for a defence ; but the unfortunate
prisoners, who were debarred from having counsel,^
could not even delude themselves into believing that
they would be allowed to discuss the charges brought
against them, so that the clerk erased from the sheet
the useless words * and after him the counsel of . . .
accused • . . on • . . defence.'

The jury returned their verdict at once. At that
time there was no scale of sentences ; the accused
were either sentenced to death or acquitted. Out
of the twenty prisoners, through an exceptional

^ By the law of the 22nd of Prairial the services of counsel wei«
forbidden to conspirators.

286 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

leniency which is ten per cent, above the average, five
were released — Laguepierre, Raucourt, Dubois,
Caillet, and Houlier. The others, without anything
more having been proved against them than in the
case of these five, were sentenced to death.

The procis'Verbal adds —

* Ordered, that at the suit of the Public Prosecutor
the present judgment shall be executed within twenty-
four hours on the square called Barriire de Vincennes.'

Fouquier-Tinville did not wait twenty-four hours.
Carts were always kept in readiness in the courtyard
of the Palais de Justice. As they came out from the
court, the fifteen sentenced prisoners took their seats
in the carts and were taken to the place of execution.

We have no narrative telling us what was their
attitude, but at a time when people died so bravely
and with truly surprising submissiveness it is evident
that these followed suit. Could Toulan die other-
wise, he who had during his life given so many
tokens of heroism .?

Thus perished on June 30, 1794, this brave man,
who very nearly played a great part when near Marie
Th6rise's daughter, and who, whilst remaining an
obscure soldier in a desperate cause, was its sole victim.
His good fortune, which so long protected him, for-
sook him a few weeks too soon. Twenty-seven days
after his death Robespierre fell, the Terror ceased, the
prisons were opened. Had he lived till the 9th of
Thermidor, ^Fidfele' would have been saved.

287

CHAPTER X

Conclusion.

Of all the personages who were mixed up in the
conspiracy to deliver the Royal Family in February-
March 1793 Toulan was the only one who mounted
the scaffold. After experiencing diverse fortune the
others met again in France during the Restoration,
and received tokens of gratitude from Marie Th6rise,
who had become Duchesse d*Angoul6me.

But before she reached this happy position she
underwent many trials.

For a long time the Chevalier de Jarjayes, who
had remained in Turin, entertained the worst fears
concerning his wife — ^which, indeed, were fully
justified. The reader will remember that she was
arrested on October 15 and taken to La Force.
There she remained for six weeks a prisoner, after
which period she was released. But, arrested again
a short time afterwards, she was incarcerated in the
Convent of English Ladies. She was exposed to
the greatest dangers during the nine months of her

288 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

imprisonment. The least bad luck might have caused
her name to be put on the list of prisoners called to
appear before the Revolutionary Tribunal, which
would certainly have sentenced her. She was saved
by the 9th of Thermidor, which opened for good
her prison doors.

During this lapse of time, and in spite of the
patronage of the King of Sardinia, the General led
a life of poverty approaching misery, and suffered
from the- inaction in which he was forced to
remain. On February 18, 1794, he wrote to
M. de Fersen —

' My intentions (as well as those of the friend
with whom I lefr France, and whom I had taken
with me from the General War Dep6t, of which I was
Director) are to serve in the army of the Prince de
Coburg. I was extremely well received by the King
of Sardinia, and this excellent prince continues to
shower kindnesses on me ; but until now I have not
been able to be of any use to him. It seems to me
very cruel to have to witness a system of inactivity,
which, in default of events which we have no
right to expect, will inevitably . lead Piedmont to
ruin.

* You will easily understand, Monsieur le Comte,
that I am not only wanting to enter the army. I
wish to make a position of some kind which will
enable me to take my poor wife out of France, and
enjoy in retirement the only consolation which

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 289

can henceforth be ours — remembrance of the kind-
ness of our great and unfortunate Queen. No
thought of selfishness ever mingled with my
devotion to that princess ; I remained near her as
long as I could be of use to her. . . .

* ... I have no hope nor expectation of ever
being able to put into execution the only plan suitable
for me, unless you can persuade the Comte de Mercy
to explain to the Emperor my wife's and my own
situation, so as to arouse his interest and induce him
to give us, instead of the post I ask for in his army,
a shelter and enough money to allow us to live
until I can turn the estates I have in France into
ready cash, or get the money for the Brussels bonds
of which I spoke to you in my last letter. . . .

* . . . What attraction can a military career have
for me while I am haunted by the idea that if the
scoundrels heard that I served in the allied forces
they would kill my wife and children .?...' ^

The 1 8th of Brumaire restored peace to France,
and offered all French people the possibility of
returning to their country. The Chevalier hastened
to take advantage of it. He came back to his wife
and children ; and, as his fortune had been con-
siderably impaired both by the sacrifices he had
made for Marie Antoinette and by the bad times, he

^ Le Comte de Fersen et la Caur de Frame vol. ii. pp. 430-432.

U

290 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

applied for and was granted the vice-presidency of
the eastern salt mines. In 1815 he was appointed
lieutenant-general by Louis XVIII.

He died in Paris on September 11, 1822, at the
age of seventy-seven. Madame de Jarjayes, who
survived him for fifteen years, died on June 23,

1837.

What became of Cousin Ricard is not known ;

but the man who bore her name, * the day husband,'

received as his reward a situation in the National

Lottery. A pension was awarded to Bichette,

Toulan's widow.

The devoted Turgy, who managed to remain at
the Temple after Marie Antoinette had been taken to
the Conciergerie, had to leave when closer watch was
kept over Madame Elisabeth and the royal children.
At 6 A.M. on October 13 the municipal officers
ordered him to leave the Temple at once. Forced
to obey this time, he and his comrades Chretien
and Marchand said good-bye to that residence of
kings, and retired to Tournans, in Brie. ^

Louis XVIII. ennobled him and made him an
officer of the Royal Order of the Legion of Honour.
In spite of his age he became first vakt de chambre
and usher in the Duchesse d'Angoul6me*s private
apartments.

With regard to Lepltre, his acquittal, and, later,

* Fragments^ by Turgy, p. 381.

CONSEQUENCES OF THE CONSPIRACY 291

the 9th of Thermidor, restored him to safety. He
was glad to resume his profession, and to enjoy
recollections which flattered his vanity. He re-
moved nearer to the Temple, and received per-
mission to address some by no means poetic verses
to Marie Th^rfese.

He continued to teach during the whole period
of the Empire, though he hated Napoleon. He was
certainly not dazzled by that great man. In his
leisure he wrote a history of the events in which he
had been concerned. This account appeared about
1 8 14 without the author's name. It was embel-
lished with a summary written an the style of
Bossuet, which broached a theory worthy of Joseph
Prudhomme : * May these lessons of the past never
be lost to posterity, and may the memory of such
great suflFerings warn us against the excesses of which
they were the mournful results.' ^

On May 19, 18 14, he was presented to Marie
Thirtee, who did not forget the services that he
had rendered to her parents, and afterwards, on
November 19, 18 14, made him a Knight of the
Legion of Honour. He blushed at not being more
worthy of such a reward and such an honour, and
resolved to fully deserve it. He at once prepared
a second edition of * Quelques Souvenirs,' carefully
omitting all that might minimise his own part in

» P. 90.

292 A CONSPIRACY UNDER THE TERROR

the story. Toulan had perished; the Chevalier
de Jarjajres, who was born in 1745, was very old, if
he were not dead. Who could contradict him ?

From 1 8 1 6 he was professor of rhetoric at the
college of Rouen; in 1821 he was appointed to
the Versailles College,, and he died in that town on
January 1 8, 1 826, taking with him to the next world
the belief that he had been a hero indeed.

THE END.

FEINTED BY

SPOTTISWOODB AND COb LTD., NBW-STXEBT SQUAXS

LONDON

^